Nice, this is perhaps the first time I see a thread about Castoriadis, who is a pretty overlooked thinker.
For context, he founded the group Socialisme ou Barbarie after being disillusioned with Troskyism in 1949. They wrote a theoretical journal and expounded a pro workers' council stance. This group was pretty influential on Guy Debord, around the time the SI took a more Marxist turn.
After the dissolution of SoB in 1967, Castoriadis became more critical of Marxism, nevertheless without totally repudiating Marx, and developed a pretty radical theory about democracy and autonomy by returning to the Greeks. He was also a psychoanalyst and an economist.
I haven't read much besides a few articles there and there, but I recommend vid related, a subtitled interview of him about democracy in Ancient Greece, he knows his shit, and illustrates how much "representative democracy" is a joke, a "liberal oligarchy" in his own words.
>Whereas Marx claims that tech reduces surplus, by claiming that fixed costs would increase over time, and should lead to a reduction in variable costs like labour, Castoriadis criticises this heavily and says that tech provides opportunities to reduce fixed costs, and subsequently can actually increases the number of jobsThe World Bank makes data available about
gross fixed capital formation as a % of GDP, dating back from the 1960s-1970s.
I plotted the data for the USA, China, India, Italy and Kenya with this URL:
https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NE.GDI.FTOT.ZS?locations=US-CN-IN-IT-KE You can see the picture isn't so clear-cut: for China and India, fixed costs have increased over time. For the USA and Kenya, they stayed relatively stable. For Italy, fixed costs have decreased. It's interesting to note there is a big unemployment problem in Italy.
I don't know what to make of this, but even if bureaucrats can create bullshit jobs, does it mean that we should? Especially in an era where ecological disasters are looming and people don't even know why they commute 5 days a week anymore.
>Castoriadis is highly critical of dialectics as a whole and suggests that Marx is claiming that simply because two things have tension with each other that they are opposites.No one has been able to explain to me clearly what (materialist) dialectics are. If the explanation is clear, it's usually the dialectics of nature kind, which is metaphysical and not very scientific anymore, ironically.
Dialectics seems to be a neat trick to think about concepts and how they evolve in history. From what I understand, two things are in tension, and this tension needs to be resolved. It doesn't mean that the new thing emerging from these tensions will necessarily be something explosive like a revolution that will completely negate the former historical concepts for eternity. A new concept arising from the conflict between workers and capitalists can emerge, englobing the two categories, like management or bureaucracy.
Anyway, dialectics are a nice tool to think about concepts, but it shouldn't induce religious fervor.
>Especially in the modern world where the lines between workers and capitalists have blurred such that we are all a sort of 'executant' now (think for example, a worker who owns company stock in the company they work out, takes on administrative tasks, or acts as a sort of middleman like a middle manager) and therefore suggests that bureaucracy is the largest enemy we have today that actually unites us on a human level, rather than individual classes of people. I completely agree with this. Modern day capitalists are as stiff as Brezhnev-era bureaucrats anyway. Middle managers weren't common until the late 19th century after all.
There is a problem some Marxists refuse to face, which is: "why your manager (above a certain level), despite being a worker, will always side with the capitalists?".
It's not just a question of false consciousness, the manager has tangible advantages in the hierarchy of workers, because he is a
director of the production process. He does the job of the capitalist, for multiple times the wage of an executant, as well as stocks, and will enjoy bossing you around in the hope he can finally join the capitalist class later in life. At same time, he is kinda stuck in a Skinner box full of Powerpoint presentations and diagrams, where if the numbers are good, he gets a food pellet, and if the numbers are wrong, the floor get electrified.
The
executant vs.
director problem is interesting: Some people are strictly executants (sweatshop workers), some people are strictly directors (CEOs), at first glance, it's like the proletariat vs. bourgeoisie, but the reason why Castoriadis came up with this, is to explain why work could be alienating, even under a worker's state.
At the same time, directors are themselves directed by directors, which are guided by abstract processes outside of their control, and can't envision any desirable change to the status quo. The bureaucrats are themselves trapped into bureaucratic processes, just like capitalists are driven by profits even if it means their own ruin.
Castoriadis was in favor of direct democracy and mechanisms like sortition, and thought politics was ultimately a matter of opinion (doxa), which gives food for thought.
>Institutions are socially constructed but have taken on a life of their own due to our alienation.Modern life is like a Kafka novel. Everybody knows ecological catastrophe is looming, everybody knows shit is fucked, but nobody can reach the castle, even by setting buildings on fire in the village. Even those inside the castle don't have any clue of what's happening and what to do.
>- Tendency of rate of profit to fall. He analyzed this after the war when it was going back up, but it has continued to fall even lower after that point.I don't have the technical chops to weight on the TRPF question, but it makes sense as a reason why capitalists would continue to squeeze workers as much as possible instead of investing more into automation/fixed capital.
Of course, profits were going to soar after Europe had been bombed to the ground.
>However he definitely was right to suggest that capitalism was far more resilient than Marx made outIn a draft of the letter to Vera Zasulich in 1881 about how could socialism emerge in Russia, Marx wrote the following line:
>[Although the capitalist system is past its prime in the West, approaching the time when it will be no more than a social regime a regressive form an ‘archaic’ formation, its Russian admirers are…. ]then crossed it.
Marx was aware capitalism was resilient, but he was also very optimistic.