>>1900425>In doing so, you're using something other than simply labour-time to calculate the value of a good - you're using market prices. The cost of training is the complement of the price charged by a trainer.Ah I see where you're confused.
The economy is a continuous process, and as I said, imperfect. The logic of free competition constantly drives prices closer to their labour value, as I have laid out here. And this is then disturbed by technological or political shifts, disasters, monopolies, what have you.
You are entirely correct in observing that the monetary cost of the education in an actual economy is not exactly equal to value. Similarly, the price of a commodity is not exactly equal to its value. That is because of these disturbances, they are equalibrium prices. This means, that if an education is much more expensive than its "true"/labour value in monetary terms, this has an impact on the wages in the real economy. But just like how this price has an impact on wages down the line, the high price of this education is also subject to competion. If the price is substantially higher than the value indicates it must be, then either it is super profitable (a lot of extra money is made by marking it up, perhaps it is a monopoly), the wage costs of the educators are super high (which then in turn leads to competitive preassure for people outside the field to become educators) or the material costs are very high, which just moves this problem one level down, which can not go on forever because the economy is finite.
Labour theory of value seeks to explain the true value of commodities in a perfectly competitive market. Just like all economic models, reality will not allign perfectly with this model of the economy. However, unlike those other theories, labour theory of value is the only theory that makes quantatative, disprovable claims that can be tested and disproven. All other economic theories make no testable claims, they never provide any formula or method to determine price, they only concern themselves with describing causal relationships (ie, price goes up demand goes down, money supply goes up interests go up, etc).
If you have information about large scale economic production in many sectors, then LTV can predict what aught to be the prices observed, and you can see if that happens or not. It also shows on a more fundamental level which changes will have what effect. Compare it to "matter attracts matter" by newton vs the theory of the graviton particles currently being researched. Sure you can critique gravitons as a concept, but what austrians litterally say is that you can never know why gravity exists because ?????. Read up Mises.
With LTV, we *could* calculate the exact true value of the miner or accunts labour, though, even without any a-priori prices, as I have explained here
>>1900394 on the end. With just the in-nature pre-requisuits, meaning, x amount of pens, y amount of math teaching hours, z amount of electricity, w amount of building space for an hour, for all the economy, you can calculate with higher precision than your source data the true value without needing a powerfull computer. Lacking such information about everything, because we assume, in LTV, that prices *more or less* equal value, and they keep a tendency towards it, any unknown values can be substituted with price. For example, if you were the soviet planner and needed to import electronics from japan or something, you wouldnt have the production information, but you would still get a good enough, and provable or disprovable outcome, if you ran a calculation.
A model seeking to explain the source of prices without disturbance, like LTV does, can do it purely based on the statistics of production without prices. LTV explains internally why the market exhibits this behaviour, and then posits, at the end, a generalised economic law saying "labour time = value ~= price". The market in real life always has delays in price signals. A disturbance in manufacturing in china only has knock on effects a few months later in europe, for longer or shorter than the original disturbance. In fact, research has shown that with each step in the supply chain the effect is amplified, yet it still takes time. The market due to profit maximisation always seeks to optimise itself and thus trend towards this equalibrium, but unlike the LTV model which seeks to describe the whole system as a whole, in real life individual companies only act on the data visible and relevant to them. So if oil is suddenly expensive because of a speculation bubble even though its value says its prices ought to be lower, companies will act on the price, not the value, and perpetuate this price signal, introducing more disruption. This does not undermine a systems theory that explains the underlying material reality that afterwards re-alligns the prices back down again.
Because ask yourself, is there a reason gold is more expensive than drinking water? Why? Is it because of magical prices stuff or is it because making drinking water is much less work and effort than finding gold in the ground.
>"The different proportions in which different sorts of labour are reduced to unskilled labour as their standard, are established by a social process that goes on behind the backs of the producers, and, consequently, appear to be fixed by custom."Yes. They are determined by a social process, education, training, people making decisions about which education to persue or whether or not to make a carreerswitch. And this all "appears fixed by custom" meaning that it seems "natural" and "self evident" to us that a doctor or programmer or bridge designer makes more money than a factory worker or nurse, but it is not self evident, it has a clear cause that is most of the time not the direct concern of producers (especially not during the time of marx when "large corporations" were, to us, fucking small, and there were no googles and microsofts with near market monopolies able to expend money to invoke a shift in the labour market).
>Marx's LTV is committing a classic problem present in a lot of philosophy, viz., transforming qualitative differences into quantitative differences. As he says:>"Tailoring and weaving, though qualitatively different productive activities, are each a productive expenditure of human brains, nerves, and muscles, and in this sense are human labour. They are but two different modes of expending human labour-power."Problems with this act of trying to quantize two qualitatively different activities are present in Mill's "Utilitarianism" as well, viz., lower and higher pleasures.
The important point here is that while tailoring and weaving are fundamentally different activities and not substitutable by each other in their qualitative aspects, they are both done by people. In a market. To sell stuff. To make money. And a tailor can become a weaver and vice versa. They are reducible to abstract "doing a job for money". But Marx expends several pages, if not whole subchapters, explaining this in the exact chapter you cite from, so I advice you to read that again if you missed it.
>But Marx's LTV is supposed to explain how the market does these things, and so cannot appeal to the market in its explanation.LTV describes how the market works. All I have set out is just an explanation of individual acts in the market that collide with profit incentives to lead to the outcome we see. At no point do I do any handwaving (which austrians such as the author do, they refuse to try to explain price and/or value entirely).