Another radlib myth deboonked. Marx and Engels did talk about the middle class and it means exactly what even non-communists would expect it to mean.
>This middle class — which includes everyone who is a gentleman, i. e., has a decent income without being excessively wealthy-is, however, a middle class only compared with the wealthy nobility and capitalists; in relation to the workers its position is that of an aristocracyhttps://wikirouge.net/texts/en/The_Position_of_the_Political_PartiesIncoming cope in 3… 2…
full quote is more nuanced
> The kernel of the second party — the Whigs — consists of the merchants and manufacturers, the majority of whom form the so-called middle class. This middle class — which includes everyone who is a gentleman, i. e., has a decent income without being excessively wealthy-is, however, a middle class only compared with the wealthy nobility and capitalists; in relation to the workers its position is that of an aristocracy, In a country like England, which lives only by industry and therefore has a multitude of workers, people will be much more conscious of this than, for example, in Germany, where the middle class comprises the craftsmen and peasants, and where such an extensive class of factory workers is unknown. As a result, the Whig party will be forced into the ambiguous position of the juste-milieu as soon as the working class begins to be conscious of itself. And this is taking place now. The working class is daily becoming more and more imbued with the radical-democratic principles of Chartism and is increasingly coming to recognise them as the expression of its collective consciousness. However, at present this party is only in process of formation and therefore cannot yet act with full vigour.
>>2239224Are you really going to ignore the full paragraph because of your uncharitable interpretation of "so-called"? This place never ceases to amaze.
>in relation to the workers its position is that of an aristocracyI don't know how you can even interpret this in any other way.
>Having to shore up a two paragraph newspaper piece by Engels written in 1842 to make your argument>5 to 10 years before any of their more arguably foundational works >25 years before Capital was even writtenThis is reaching, and you know it. And we already had this thread, it's still up, for what reason did you see in making a new one? Attention?
>>2239201They do use it, nobody argues against this, but their definition of middle class (largely relating to the petit-bourgeoisie) is very different from the colloquial definition used today (anybody of who does not define themselves as "poor", nor "wealthy").
And as
>>2239224 points out, this article has a lot more nuance then OP posits. This reeks spamming ctrl-f on literally every single article ever written by Marx or Engels in order to try and win some argument in OPs head, as opposed to genuine research. There is a reason this was never brought up in the previous thread.
>>2239237>the middle class manifested differently before capitalism became fully developed in the worldNo shit.
>>2239235The positions of Marx and Engels throughout their lives didn't really vary as wildly as you're pretending they did.
>>2239247>pseudNobody is a bigger pseud than democrats who need to pretend you can have wealthy proletarians.
>does not eliminate the peasantry as a subjectYou're the ones doing this by saying the middle class isn't real or that it's pretty much synonymous with proletarian.
>>2239237>>2239245>ignoringYou're projecting hard.
>different middle classBoth are middle class as stated by Marx and Engels, what point are you even trying to make by stating the obvious fact that the majority of the middle class in England at the time was composed of a different group from Germany?
>>2239224>>2239235nuance? marx was rly cooking when saying ideology and class background blinds you
i cant find the source but i also remember either marx or engels saying that to proles the petit bourgeois and the bourgeois are the same shit
also marx saying the size of the middle class grows as capitalism matures
>>2239253Im just stating what the article states why u mad bro
>>2239255republican as in believes in republics, idiot. the absolute state of this place I swear
>>2239263yall mad af for why lmao. All I did was post the full quote lol so sensitive
>>2239249>Nobody is a bigger pseud than democrats who need to pretend you can have wealthy proletarians.Not a democrat, not even largely a proponent of "democracy".
>You're the ones doing this by saying the middle class isn't real or that it's pretty much synonymous with proletarian.Not a single person ever did this, in this thread or the last. It's that how Marx uses middle class is largely in relation to the petit-bourgeoisie, while you use "middle class" in an entirely different way.
>>2239566 (me)
Like, you could say that part of the intelligensia in Russia is another example of a 'middle' class. It also was pauperized during towards the end of the XIX century but still most had some passive income from exploiting peasants. They weren't decadently wealthy like the actual Russian nobility, and they also engaged in political life. It really helps no one to quotemine Marx without historical context. It's just unproductive. Please think.
>>2239559>To me, the core socialist message is inequality bad"Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" and was the slogan of the
bourgeois revolution which brought France out of feudalism and began its transition to Capitalism. Marx says in Capital "Between equal rights, force decides." He was trying to show how even when the letter of the law says we are equal the existence of class society shows that we are not.
We have political equality but we lack economic equality. But the simple straightforward goal of economic equality with no asterisks is not the goal of Marxism-Leninism, but the goal of unscientific, utopian, reformist, petty bourgeois Lassalean Socialism, embodied in the Gotha Program which Marx criticized thoroughly, and whose slogan was "labor is the source of all wealth" and whose political goal was to lobby the bourgeois state (in the age of Bismarck no less) to establish worker owned cooperatives and for the working class todirectly receive the undiminished proceeds of their labor, with no portion set aside for replacing means of production, expanding production, emergency funds, etc.
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/ch01.htmLenin furthermore deeply criticized the idea that socialism is simply about equality or rectifying inequality:
https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1914/mar/11.htm
>Political equality is a demand for equal political rights for all citizens of a country who have reached, a certain age and who do not suffer from either ordinary or liberal-professorial feeble-mindedness. This demand was first advanced, not by the socialists, not by the proletariat, but by the bourgeoisie. The well-known historical experience of all countries of the world proves this, and Mr. Tugan could easily have discovered this had he not called “experience” to witness solely in order to dupe students and workers, and please the powers that be by “abolishing” socialism. The bourgeoisie put forward the demand for equal rights for all citizens in the struggle against medieval, feudal, serf-owner and caste privileges. In Russia, for example, unlike America, Switzerland and other countries, the privileges of the nobility are preserved to this day in all spheres of political life, in elections to the Council of State, in elections to the Duma, in municipal administration, in taxation, and many other things. Even the most dull-witted and ignorant person can grasp the fact that individual members of the nobility are not equal in physical and mental abilities any more than are people belonging to the “tax-paying”, “base”, ‘low-born” or “non-privileged” peasant class. But in rights all nobles are equal, just as all the peasants are equal in their lack of rights. Does our learned liberal Professor Tugan now under stand the difference between equality in the sense of equal rights, and equality in the sense of equal strength and abilities? We shall now deal with economic equality. In the United States of America, as in other advanced countries, there are no medieval privileges. All citizens, are equal in political rights. But are they equal as regards their position in social production? No, Mr. Tugan, they are not. Some own land, factories and capital and live on the unpaid labour of the workers; these form an insignificant minority. Others, namely, the vast mass of the population, own no means of production and live only by selling their labour-power; these are proletarians. In the United States of America there is no aristocracy, and the bourgeoisie and the proletariat enjoy equal political rights. But they are not equal in class status: one class, the capitalists, own the means of production and live on the unpaid labour of the workers. The other class, the wage-workers, the proletariat, own no means of production and live by selling their labour-power in the market. The abolition of classes means placing all citizens on an equal footing with regard to the means of production belonging to society as a whole. It means giving all citizens equal opportunities of working on the publicly-owned means of production, on the publicly-owned land, at the publicly-owned factories, and so forth. >>2239197He's explicitly talking about English society you massive retard.
Back to
>>>/siberia/ >>2239840No… under capitalism the primary form of labor is wage labor, the primary form of production is commodity production, the center of labor is urban factory, and the technological means of production are continually revolutionized by means of automation, miniaturization, combination of processes, increase speed, etc. Labor power is sold as a commodity by the worker to the capitalist firm or individual in exchange for a wage. The capitalist firm or individual skims the surplus value in order to expand production by purchasing more land and more means of production.
Under feudalism the primary form of labor is serf labor, the primary form of production is agricultural, the center of labor is the farm, and the technological means of production change more slowly due to the pre-industrial nature of feudalism. Labor power is not commodified. Peasants are tied to the land they live on, lords own the land and extract surplus labor in the form of land rent, which is usually paid in kind in the form of crops or animal products.
The entire system of exploitation of labor is different under these two forms of class society.
>>2240120>The very term "capitalism" was specifically invented to describe the contemporarySays who?
Capitalism is just an abstraction to describe what humans always do economically, which is to use labor and capital to create wealth.
(Land+Tools)+Laborers=Wealth
Land+Tools=Capital
Some say Land should not be accounted as capital and that it should be its own category, but i digress.
>>2240135>>2240130The cognition that labor and capital are required to create wealth was a culutural discovery that helped dispell some older myths, like the idea that wealth specifically means land or gold (was a huge meme in Spain) and theres plenty of modern leftists (and some right wingers) that say that everything comes from labor (right wing version involves shirtless farm work).
The world makes more sense when you just get that capital+labor is a general formula that applies in all societies.
There is this Catholic series called Saints vs Scoundrels
https://ondemand-origin.ewtn.com/Home/Series/catalog/video/en/saints-vs-scoundrelsYou can watch it here.
It tackles Marxism with Catholic Social Teaching & Distributism in 2 episodes:
part 1
https://ondemand-origin.ewtn.com/Home/Play/en/SVS15025part 2
https://ondemand-origin.ewtn.com/Home/Play/en/SVS15026But overall, the idea to distribute property wide and far between I am convinced also comes from Aristotle's Politics and his appeal to the Middle Class.
>>2241401>ignores the rest of the post< if you actually read capital marx elaborates that capital and labor predate capitalism. capitalism is a term used to describe a specific historical epoch. Marx talks about merchant's capital (shipping) and usurer's capital (interest) as predating large scale industrial capital (which was accompanied by proletarianization and the end of feudalism)Capitalism is the age of industrial capital. The age of proletarianization. The age of bourgeois class dictatorship. Capital and Labor relations predate capitalism, especially in the form of Usurer's Capital, Merchant's Capital. Labor-Capital relations under feudalism (serfdom) is characterized by a rent seeking landlord and a peasant who does surplus labor for the lord and/or pays a crop rent.
You keep repeating over and over "Capitalism has always existed because labor and capital has always existed" but Capitalism isn't merely the existence of labor-capital relations. It is a term that has always described post-feudal labor-capital relations in industrialized society with bourgeois class dictatorship.
Marx describes "antediluvian" Capital, i.e. Capital before Capitalism in the form of Merchant's Capital and Usurer's Capital.
>>2241549>Marx doesnt own the rights to the term capitalism.your appeal to Marx's lack of intellectual property over the term Capitalism is a bafflingly stupid response in the context of this conservation. You come to a Marxist board full of Marxists who study Marx and use the term Capitalism as Marx used it, and then complain that we don't use the term Capitalism as only you use it. In fact even most contemporary bourgeois economists usually Capitalism to describe industrial and post-industrial society even if they ignore the class relations. "Capitalism is when Capital and Labor exist and is the only mode of production" is a highly unorthodox definition of that term since it strips the term of its entire historical context: It was used to describe what society was actively becoming as feudal relations broke down.
>He should have called this ism as wageism or some more relevant term, since the use of capital seems to be universal in all societies and ages.OK so you're just being a pedant. Are you going to complain that the hoops/nets on a "basketball" court isn't an actual basket? Shooting stars aren't stars, but meteoroids burning up in the atmosphere. Digital movies are still called "films" despite not being shot on film reels. A computer mouse has neither fur nor whiskers. A hot dog is not a canine and may actually be served cold. The sun neither rises nor sets, Earth instead rotates, only giving the appearance of a "sunrise" or "sunset." A horse doesn't actually produce one horsepower of energy. This is the essence of your complaint.
Read chapter 31 of Capital if you are too lazy to read the whole book. This is how Marxists use the term Capitalism and if that still bothers you look into Wittgenstein's concept of Language Games:
In his later work, particularly Philosophical Investigations, Ludwig Wittgenstein argued that the meaning of a word is its use in the language. Words don’t have fixed, essential meanings; instead, they gain meaning from how they're used in specific social contexts, what he called language games. A language game is any context in which words are used with shared understanding, like giving orders, telling jokes, asking for directions, etc. Semantic pedantry is when someone insists that a word or phrase must adhere strictly to its original, literal, or etymological meaning, disregarding its actual use in a given language game. When someone says “basketball hoop” and another objects, “But it’s not a basket!” they're treating language as if words must always refer to some fixed, essential definition. But in the language game of sports talk, “basket” just means “the scoring apparatus in basketball.” Everyone in that context understands what it refers to. So from Wittgenstein’s view, semantic pedantry ignores the fluid, pragmatic nature of meaning, it treats language as a rigid system, when in reality it’s a social activity.
Does that make sense or are you still going to insist on the ahistorical idea that there is only 1 mode of production?
>>2241601>You come to a Marxist board full of Marxists who study Marx aDont care. I dont care about your stupid religion, if i disturbed your groupthink put some ointment for that butthurt.
I can talk about ideas entirely on their own merit without having to ask the ghost of Marx for his take
>>2241601>OK so you're just being a pedant. You are projecting so hard. Capitalis is universally used in all societies so on what grounds would anyone choose to use "capital" to describe one specific society when every single one uses capital?
Why not Laborism? Makes just as much sense.
You people are always gripping about finance, so why not call this "financialism" instead?
CAPITAL IS/WAS USED IN ALL SOCIETIES AND AGES
>>2241644>You obviously doI mean i dont care about vowing down to the ghost of Marx before stating a fact
You seem to reply to everything with "well, according to marx…" and get surprised when others dont.
>>2241681Let's recall how this conversation started
>>2239840>Feudalism was capitalism because everything is capitalismYou, or somebody like you, equated feudalism with capitalism, thus rendering both terms synonyms, and divorcing both terms from this historical context.
Everything from there has been downhill, with multiple people (not just me) explaining to you the actual context of how this term is used in Marxist circles, and you refusing to engage with any of that because "I don't care I get to use words how I want" whch again, is just showing up to a basketball court to point out that the net isn't a basket. Everyone playing basketball would rightfully see you as a fool. Since you refuse to talk to Marxists on a (mostly) Marxist board in their own terms, but instead want to play court jester, one anon even supplied you an explanation of why you're being stupid from Wittgenstein, who was definitely not a Marxist:
>In his later work, particularly Philosophical Investigations, Ludwig Wittgenstein argued that the meaning of a word is its use in the language. Words don’t have fixed, essential meanings; instead, they gain meaning from how they're used in specific social contexts, what he called language games. A language game is any context in which words are used with shared understanding, like giving orders, telling jokes, asking for directions, etc. Semantic pedantry is when someone insists that a word or phrase must adhere strictly to its original, literal, or etymological meaning, disregarding its actual use in a given language game. When someone says “basketball hoop” and another objects, “But it’s not a basket!” they're treating language as if words must always refer to some fixed, essential definition. But in the language game of sports talk, “basket” just means “the scoring apparatus in basketball.” Everyone in that context understands what it refers to. So from Wittgenstein’s view, semantic pedantry ignores the fluid, pragmatic nature of meaning, it treats language as a rigid system, when in reality it’s a social activity.Face it. You're being throwing a tantrum and putting zero effort into communicating your thoughts. You are simply saying that we don't have a "Monopoly" on what capitalism means. Maybe so, but neither do you. But when we say "capitalism" we mean something very specific that is neither feudalism, nor slavery, nor socialism. If you don't wish to engage with the very basic concept of there being different historical modes of production because "labor and capital have always existed" (something Marx acknowledges and incorporates into his analysis of Capital) then you don't even really want to have a conversation. You just want to waste people's time with pedantic sophistry. That is trolling. Grow up.
>>2241732You dont know who i talk to nor should it matter, you dont own the term capitalism.
None of the shit you claim makes capitalism some kind of unique ism are absent from literally any other ism. Seems like every single ism is capitalism.
i.e, in any society workers went to work following orders given by others and received some degree of economic compensation, being that food and housing for a slave or wages for a laborer, its pretty much the same regime.
>>2241748ok now go back through the conversation and replace all the times we used "capitalism" with whatever term you think should be used instead and then argue with the post based on
that instead of getting mad at which words we used. Btw here is Marco Rubio using "Capitalism" the same way a Marxist would, proving the point that the "Marxist" definition of Capitalism (a mode of production distinct from Feudalism, Slavery, Socialism, unique to the era of industrialization and bourgeois class dictatorship) is also used even by non-Marxists and anti-Marxists.
>>2241710>we mean something very specific that is neither feudalism, nor slavery, nor socialismYou dont know what you are talking about. The social regime you call "capitalism" has existed since the beggining of economic activity in prehistoric times.
Show me a society where this isnt the case. Show me a society where economic life isnt just workers working and getting economic compensation, with the remaining wealth pocketed by an elite and the government in some measure
>>2241757>proletarianization of the peasantry,just workers working
>>2241757> bourgeois class dictatorshipSilly name for elites, which have always existed
>>2241757>>2241757> bourgeois class dictatorship>wage labor being the dominant form of labor Another silly rebranding with no meaning. A worker works and either gets food and housing or gets money to buy them. Theres fundamentally no difference.
>>2241763>Another silly rebranding with no meaning. No they have specific meanings you just refuse to engage with them because "ha i don't care about your silly religion"
again you are complaining that the computer mouse isn't a real rodent. it is childish
>>2241770>again you are complaining that the computer mouse isn't a real rodent. it is childishNo, im complaing that what you call "capitalism" is fundamentally no different than anything else that has already existed. Its not just the name.
You for instance talk about the difference between serfdom and wage labor or slavery. Theres no real difference
my understanding is that generally marx/engels model was that bourgeois & proletarian are just the necessary conditions for the mode of production, and are therefore more "real" than what is between/outside of them insofar as the reproduction of capital only strictly REQUIRES people selling labor-power and people managing labor. that doesnt mean that no other classes, castes, or otherwise meaningful social formations exist as part of capital's actual instantiation in history, only that theyre fundamentally precarious compared to proletariat and bourgeoisie as classes. hence consistent tendencies towards proletarianization and under certain circumstances class mobility.
it seems entirely pedantic and besides straightforwardly wrong to insist that theres only 2 classes, but that said OP
>>2239197 i dont think that pulling out random gotcha marx quotes is ever especially helpful and you could have said a little more besides
>>2241781it is fundamentally different from the particular type of slavery that dominated when slavery was the primary form of surplus labor in class society. This entire conversation is you saying over and over that all modes of production are capitalism when no, all modes of production (so far) are class society, and capitalism is the latest form of class society.
You think Marxists don't have a general term for class society, but we do. That term is class society. When you say "everything is just capitalism" we say "no, everything so far is class society, and there are different forms of class society in different historical eras, based on the level of technological development, where the work takes place, how the workers are exploited, and whether the ruling class is, say, a hereditary landed nobility (feudalism), or an industrial bourgeoisie (capitalism), or an empire of late antiquity (slavery).
>>2241791notice how you have now pivoted from "all types of class society are just capitalism" to "there is no qualitative difference between wage labor (which is sometimes called wage slavery) and literal slavery as a mode of production in late antiquity.
all you have is language policing. this is a very tiresome conversation and we have been far too polite and patient with you.
>>2241792
im referring to the marxist model of production and class, where the transportation and preperation of commodities either adds surplus value or is the final point in the production process that allows for the realization of value. adding surplus value is obviously the role of proletarians. the latter part may be less clear. where the preparation of a commodity is a prerequisite for all of the preceding surplus value inputs to be worth anything, i.e. the cashier is the final stop in the chain of production, the fact that its purchase is (e.g. in the case of a grocery store) circumstantially dependent on the cashier makes them proletarian if the wage they are paid for their labor-power in cashiering is their only way of reproducing their labor i.e. living. they are adding value because the employers have decided they make more from the extraction of the employees surplus value than they lose in paying a wage, i.e. theyve determined its worth paying the wage because there is enough value added by the employees labor in organizing distribution and payment to not only offset the cost of the wage but to make more than they could if they used another non-human system that could not produce surplus value (i.e. constant capital). whether or not the employer is wrong about this (e.g. they may be losing money on cashier wages when they could instead streamline the checkout lanes) and whether or not cashiers are a necessity at all (e.g. they can circumstantially be replaced by self-checkout etc) is as irrelevant as the fact that 1000 miners are employed when 300 + machinery would be just as possible – their class position comes from their role in the process of production and exchange as it actually exists, not what would be the most productive ideal arrangement of production and exchange. in a grocery store (e.g.) that is arranged in such a way that it hires cashiers, so long as the cashier in question has no other means of reproducing their labor other than selling their labor-power, they are objectively performing productive labor and are therefore proletarian.
Capital Vol. 2 Chapter 1:
>…what the transportation industry sells is change of location. The useful effect is inseparably connected with the process of transportation, i.e., the productive process of the transport industry. Men and goods travel together with the means of transportation, and their traveling, this locomotion, constitutes the process of production effected by these means. The useful effect can be consumed only during this process of production. It does not exist as a utility different from this process, a use-thing which does not function as an article of commerce, does not circulate as a commodity, until after it has been produced. But the exchange-value of this useful effect is determined, like that of any other commodity, by the value of the elements of production (labour-power and means of production) consumed in it plus the surplus-value created by the surplus-labour of the labourers employed in transportation. This useful effect also entertains the very same relations to consumption that other commodities do. If it is consumed individually its value disappears during its consumption; if it is consumed productively so as to constitute by itself a stage in the production of the commodities being transported, its value is transferred as an additional value to the commodity itself.
note especially:
>The useful effect can be consumed only during this process of production…This useful effect also entertains the very same relations to consumption that other commodities do. If it is consumed individually its value disappears during its consumption; if it is consumed productively so as to constitute by itself a stage in the production of the commodities being transported, its value is transferred as an additional value to the commodity itself.
please note that i am not quoting scripture here and saying you are automatically wrong. i am quoting and summarizing marx's understanding of capital because i agree with it and find it much more convincing than alternatives. if you find mao's explanation that you quoted more convincing, please explain why, and what you find lacking in marx's explanation that makes mao's more compelling
>>2241783walmart cashiers are not proletarians. Mao concluded they are semi-proletarians because they don't actually produce any value
<The semi-proletariat. What is here called the semi-proletariat consists of five categories: (1) the overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants, [10] (2) the poor peasants, (3) the small handicraftsmen, (4) the shop assistants [11] and (5) the pedlars.<The shop assistants are employees of shops and stores, supporting their families on meagre pay and getting an increase perhaps only once in several years while prices rise every year. If by chance you get into intimate conversation with them, they invariably pour out their endless grievances. Roughly the same in status as the poor peasants and the small handicraftsmen, they are highly receptive to revolutionary propaganda.>>2241804Mao
https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-1/mswv1_1.htm>>2241927In this same chapter Marx concludes that merchant wage-workers produce no value.
<The metamorphoses C — M and M — C are transactions between buyers and sellers; they require time to conclude bargains, the more so as the struggle goes on in which each seeks to get the best of the other, and it is businessmen who face one another here; and “when Greek meets Greek then comes the tug of war.” [A paraphrase of words from the 17th century tragedy The Rival Queens, or the Death of Alexander the Great by Nathaniel Lee. — Ed.] To effect a change in the state of being costs of time and labour-power, not for the purpose of creating value, however, but in order to accomplish the conversion of value from one form into another. The mutual attempt to appropriate an extra slice of this value on this occasion changes nothing. This labour, increased by the evil designs on either side, creates no value, any more than the work performed in a judicial proceeding increases the value of the subject matter of the suit. Matters stand with this labour — which is a necessary element in the capitalist process of production as a whole, including circulation or included by it — as they stand, say, with the work of combustion of some substance used for the generation of heat. This work of combustion does not generate any heat, although it is a necessary element in the process of combustion. In order, e.g., to consume coal as fuel, I must combine it with oxygen, and for this purpose must transform it from the solid into the gaseous state (for in the carbonic acid gas, the result of the combustion, coal is in the gaseous state); consequently, I must bring about a physical change in the form of its existence or in its state of being. The separation of carbon molecules, which are united into a solid mass, and the splitting up of these molecules into their separate atoms must precede the new combination, and this requires a certain expenditure of energy which thus is not transformed into heat but taken from it. Therefore, if the owners of the commodities are not capitalists but independent direct producers, the time employed in buying and selling is a diminution of their labour-time, and for this reason such transactions used to be deferred (in ancient and medieval times) to holidays.<In order to simplify the matter (since we shall not discuss the merchant as a capitalist and merchant’s capital until later) we shall assume that this buying and selling agent is a man who sells his labour. He expends his labour-power and labour-time in the operations C — M and M — C. And he makes his living that way, just as another does by spinning or making pills. He performs a necessary function, because the process of reproduction itself includes unproductive functions. He works as well as the next man, but intrinsically his labour creates neither value nor product. He belongs himself to the faux frais of production. His usefulness does not consist in transforming an unproductive function into a productive one, nor unproductive into productive labour. It would be a miracle if such transformation could be accomplished by the mere transfer of a function. His usefulness consists rather in the fact that a smaller part of society’s labour-power and labour-time is tied up in this unproductive function. More. We shall assume that he is a mere wage-labourer, even one of the better paid, for all the difference it makes. Whatever his pay, as a wage-labourer he works part of his time for nothing. He may receive daily the value of the product of eight working-hours, yet functions ten. But the two hours of surplus-labour he performs do not produce value anymore than his eight hours of necessary labour, although by means of the latter a part of the social product is transferred to him. In the first place, looking at it from the standpoint of society, labour-power is used up now as before for ten hours in a mere function of circulation. It cannot be used for anything else, not for productive labour. In the second place however society does not pay for those two hours of surplus-labour, although they are spent by the individual who performs this labour. Society does not appropriate any extra product or value thereby. But the costs of circulation, which he represents, are reduced by one-fifth, from ten hours to eight. Society does not pay any equivalent for one-fifth of this active time of circulation, of which he is the agent. But if this man is employed by a capitalist, then the non-payment of these two hours reduces the cost of circulation of his capital, which constitutes a deduction from his income. For the capitalist this is a positive gain, because the negative limit for the self-expansion of his capital-value is thereby reduced. So long as small independent producers of commodities spend a part of their own time in buying and selling, this represents nothing but time spent during the intervals between their productive function or diminution of their time of production. >>2242053wow, thank you. been years since i read vol.2 but should really reread it because i've been working with the above presumptions for a while now. i inferred too much about the general principle of transportation being generally applicable to every stage in the realization of value. reading this it does make sense, however, as far as a distinction made between incidentally more or less profitable exchange practices (better or worse book-keeping, driving over or under the speed limit in delivery, clean floors or dirty floors attracting more or less customers, etc) are basically questions of how efficiently the commodity is purchased and consumed, which is a crucial part of the process but does not alter the value of the commodity itself.
not the same chapter btw for anyone following, my post is Vol.2, Part 1, Chapter 1, Section 4. This is in reference to Vol.2, Part 1, Chapter 6, Section 1.a.
Chapter 1:
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1885-c2/ch01.htm#1Chapter 6:
now let me ask, because i'm still confused by this and i was so certain about my own explanation because it seems much more intuitive to me. as a commodity with a dual nature, is its exchange-value not as much a part of its use-value as its 'intended' use in consumption? as with money in which the use-value of money is in being a universal medium of exchange, though the commodity's use-value in exchange is limited to those who would either use it OR profit off its further refinement and sale? if circulation is an essential part of the process as marx is clear about here and as is intuitive, doesn't the unavailability or inability to exchange the commodity effect its value? it seems counterintuitive to me that value does not need to be maintained, and that the process of circulation is not essentially a reproduction of value, a maintenance of it, in the same way that repairing a loom or a tractor is reproduction of value. is that not productive labor and ultimately comparable to production of the loom and the tractor? isn't the entire issue with constant capital that leads to the falling rate of profit that constant capital cannot reproduce itself and can only be exhausted, requiring value inputs from productive labor? if that's the case, why is a loaf of bread getting moldy in a grocery store and discouraging sales due to the owner cheaping out on staff fundamentally different from a machine breaking down and discouraging sales due to the owner cheaping out on engineers?
i am genuinely asking from anyone who is familiar with the texts, because i am humbled by how wrong i was in my explanation.
but a further point: does this really effect the status of the worker in question as proletarian? the question of whether or not proletarian was only those doing productive working i.e. adding value to a commodity was previously uninteresting for me because i had a wrong idea of what value-added encompassed, or at least one in contradiction with marx who i thought i was recieving the idea from. and i do now clearly see mao's reason for modifying the category of proletarian with semi-proletarian to account for wage-workers who work in unproductive industries. but let me concede the question of how constrained productive labor is and just take for granted what marx says above: is semi-proletarian a necessary distinction? i understand the relevance of employment in productive industries vs unproductive industries so far as it relates to leveraging a role in production into political power, but that seems to be a question of strategy. and anyway, if that were used as the standard for proletarianization, wouldn't that create a gradient between productive industries in which the most essential are "more proletarian" and the less essential "less proletarian"? assuming that cashier work is definitively unproductive, and their role in circulation of a commodity doesn't modify the value of the commodity, is that a sufficient condition to preclude their being proletarian despite the fact that (let's assume) they are unable to reproduce their labor-power without working for a wage, and they do work for a wage as a part of the web of commodities realizing their value? even if that's unproductive strictly speaking, in the actual circulation of commodities they were for a wage because they need to, and the specific use of their labor-power is still "a positive gain" for the capitalist.
to illustrate my question about qualifying for proletarian, imagine there is a finishing industry for metals that is suddenly discovered to be entirely unnecessary. there's galvanization, tin-plating, etc, etc., and then there's Finish+, which had been considered an essential process that followed up all other means of finishing steel for 100 years. a team of chemists and engineers prove conclusively that this was always a completely unnecessary process that has absolutely no effect, positive or negative, on the quality of the steel – the entirety of the massive Finish+ industry is and has always been just a completely unnecessary waste of time and material, maybe based on a scam, maybe a mistake, doesn't matter. the team of scientists sell this discovery and their secrecy to the Finishing+ branch of the biggest steel producers and everyone keeps quiet about it forever to keep their jobs and investments safe. were the workers doing Finishing+ never proletarians in the first place because they were never actually adding value to the steel? they are now and always have been semi-proletarians rather than proletarians? the people who work in transporting the steel to the Finish+ workshops, are they not proletarian because transporting steel there is no longer inseparably connected with the useful effect that gives the steel its value?
i realize this might sound like an 'if a tree falls in a forest' bullshit thought experiment, but i really do not think it is, there are some pretty strange implications if every instance of "time spent during the intervals between their productive function or diminution of their time of production" disqualifies the workers in that specialized branch of industry from being proletarian.
Before we can unite, and in order that we may unite, we must first of all draw firm and definite lines of demarcation. Otherwise, our unity will be purely fictitious, it will conceal the prevailing confusion and binder its radical elimination. It is understandable, therefore, that we do not intend to make our publication a mere storehouse of various views. On the contrary, we shall conduct it in the spirit of a strictly defined tendency. This tendency can be expressed by the word Marxism, and there is hardly need to add that we stand for the consistent development of the ideas of Marx and Engels and emphatically reject the equivocating, vague, and opportunist “corrections” for which Eduard Bernstein, P. Struve, and many others have set the fashion. But although we shall discuss all questions from our own definite point of view, we shall give space in our columns to polemics between comrades. Open polemics, conducted in full view of all Russian Social-Democrats and class-conscious workers, are necessary and desirable in order to clarify the depth of existing differences, in order to afford discussion of disputed questions from all angles, in order to combat the extremes into which representatives, not only of various views, but even of various localities, or various “specialities” of the revolutionary movement, inevitably fall. Indeed, as noted above, we regard one of the drawbacks of the present-day movement to be the absence of open polemics between avowedly differing views, the effort to conceal differences on fundamental questions.
The middle classes decry open polemic against them and preach hollow solidarity to shield their own interests and promote their own anti-Communist theories that obscure class distinctions essential to scientific socialism.
>>2263880>>2264094Labor aristocracy is used interchangeably with petit-bourgeois or middle-class, though it's used by idiots who are allergic to saying the latter for some reason.
>A prostitute is not a prole but a prostitute is typically still working class.Sure, but under a communist context working class means proletarian strictly.
>Working class != Proletarian Vanguard.The vanguard is the most advanced section of the proletariat.
>The same goes with unemployed people.…How the FUCK is being unemployed working class?
>>2264697>Mao and Castro weren't Communist! Only Lenin was!OK he was still a lawyer and middle peasant and professional revolutionary who never did productive wage labor, which was my point.
>Communist programsLenin did "war communism" 1918-1921 which was more of a civil-wartime state of emergency measure than communism, then backed off of that after the civil war, then did the NEP which was semi-restoration of capitalism on a temporary basis, and then died of his strokes before the NEP was rolled back under Stalin. I don't think Lenin really had the chance to do "Communist programs". He died too early.
Anyways, it's not a state of affairs to be established. You know that. I know that. Everyobody knows that.
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