>>2439902>Yet it's the only bigotry that mainstream politicians care about. Why? Not because of Jewish plots, but because it's a good smokescreen to attack the alternatives - whether that's the social democratic left, or the openly Nazi right. (Unfortunately for everyone, the general balance of forces - and the false equivalences - mean that power's probably going to go to the latter…)That is a problem. It's true that the Israeli government uses the charge of antisemitism as a shield, but I think it can also be more helpful to think of antisemitism as not necessarily "wrong" (although I think it's incorrect) or a matter of "false consciousness," but that it's just inadequate. I believe it's usually bound up in frustration, impotence, a feeling of powerlessness. When I see people on the left who start getting into it, it's usually a sign to me that something is going awry, that something they're doing isn't working.
>>2440129>so what do ya'll think of Moshe Postone?>>2440138>resonates with my own reading of capital, so i will read his work.<What is said about modern antisemitism may also describe a trend of vulgar anti-capitalism that seeks the personification of the elements of capitalism that are so hated. I'm somewhat familiar with Postone. I think he viewed himself as a 19th-century Orthodox Marxist of sorts. His view was (roughly, and I'm also paraphrasing some summaries and texts) that capitalism has a fundamentally different relationship to labor than other modes of production. For example, if you have peasant-based agricultural society, it's possible to imagine getting rid of the aristocrats and you can still have peasants owning their own plots of land and living off them. However, if you get rid of capitalists,
you're not getting rid of capital, so social domination will still exist until the structures that constitute capital are gotten rid of. The proletariat isn't "outside" the system but part of it – and as it relates to his critique of Lukacs – a skepticism that you can have the proletariat doing proletarian labor and also living in a free society at the same time. He's wary of the idea that the proletariat is the revolutionary subject (in the Hegelian sense of constituting history and realizing itself in socialism). On the contrary, overcoming capitalism necessarily involves also overcoming proletarian labor as a material condition. The victory of the proletariat also involves the self-annihilation of the proletariat.
This is related to antisemitism being a kind of "socialism of fools" or Jews being the personification of capitalists. Remember, for Postone, the bourgeoisie does not take priority over the
impersonal logic of capital. The capitalists are merely "character masks" for capital, and are subjects to its control just as much as workers are (despite enjoying a greater share of the wealth). There are also (historically contingent) reasons Jews have fulfilled a logically necessary function of capitalism (working as merchants and moneylenders), so what antisemitism has in common with a vulgar anti-capitalism is that it boils down to a critique of who makes up the management of the social structure, at best, basically the mode of management. As a side note: the logic here is similar to liberal identity politics. Like, the problem isn't so much an impersonal capitalist social order that operates much like an alien force or machine that has enslaved humanity, but a few bad apples or white men who are CEOs. It's easier to stick with this idea than it is to tear down the ideological fabric of everything that surrounds us. Antisemitism therefore is a potential danger for the left in Postone's view because it has an apparent emancipatory dimension to it. That's false, but people buy into it as an emancipatory "idea."
At any rate, I think Postone would've been really skeptical of this idea that anyone who listens to Nick Fuentes or Alex Jones (I guess he's a neocon now or something, whatever) is just an inch away from "getting it." Like seeing the Illuminati (or some other personification) behind everything is the first step on the road to some comprehensive critique of capitalism. He was also very critical of vulgar anti-Americanism, anti-imperialism that /USApol/ wars about on this website every day. Like "the world would be a wonderful place if it weren't for the United States." That functions as a fetish. He didn't think that would lead anywhere and compared it to reactionary German anti-capitalist rightists who saw the main problem in the world as being Britain and the Jews. He also didn't like Cold War campism, but he went easier on the New Left because he thought, well, they sharply criticize the U.S. because it's the U.S. and a great power, but also because it's hindering the emergence of a more progressive social order (or at least it seemed like that at the time). But he didn't regard anything resisting the U.S. to be a default positive. He thought that notion was extremely questionable. It can be reactionary pig and leftists will put progressive lipstick on it.