Bootleg palestinian zionists dickiriding the intifada suffer aesthetic
>WE WUZ PALESTNEENES TOO WE USE THE SCARF AND SAY LOOOV FOR ISREEL (KILLS 2000 CIVILIANS)
uygha what the fuuuuakak is wrong with zionists, who believes this is organic paletsinian ziocock gobbling? AND THEY ISIS TOO LOL yet people still deny ISIS is created by Israel and the US.
NewsAnon posted this today but it's relevant here too:
Palestinian Resistance Forces Publicly Execute Fascist Collaborators
In Gaza City, the Resistance Security Forces executed three men who were found guilty of collaborating with the Zionist occupation against the resistance and their people, amid popular attendance.
A leader in the Resistance Security Forces: “They betrayed the will and betrayed their people, and placed their hands in the hands of the occupation to kill their own people. The death penalty has been decided for these collaborators. — And from here, we say to every collaborator, especially the big agent Yasser Abu Shabab, and the big agent Rami Homs, and the big agent Ahmed Al-Sindi, you will kneel under the boots of the resistance and its rule.”
The crowd standing firmly with the resistance and against the occupation and its collaborators chants: “Greetings to the Brigades, Izz El-Din [Al-Qassam Brigades].”
A paper was left on the bodies of the three executed collaborators reading: “To the occupation’s mercenaries and agents, it’s time to cut off your heads.”
>>2493171>who believes this is organic I am of two minds of this
1: It doesn't matter who "believes" an narrative just that the narrative is there to reinforce certain desirable (for them) behaviors and suppress undesirable (for them) behaviors
2: A lot of people believe bullshit anyway because they aren't paying any attention or thinking critically and they just take whatever they see/hear first at face value. Because that is easy and the alternative is difficult.
this book is about Palestinians who serve in the IDF and security services
>Hasan al-Hayb is the mayor of a bedouin village. He is a member of the Likud party. And a former officer in the IDF.
>‘Frankly how you define yourself is not a good question. It depends on where I am. If I am at the tax office, hey look at me, im a Palestinian, im not stupid, I identity as an Israeli Arab. If you ask me in my village. I’ll tell you im a palestian Arab. Everybody tailors himself to the situation he is in. This is the reality.
>Hani has completed three years of basic service in the army and joined the police force. He considers himself a supporter of the Communist Party. He has never stopped supporting it or its ideals of peace and equality. Even when his friends stopped saying hello to him. He still votes for it. But he is also aware that the Communist Party has condemned Palestinian enlistment in the army.
>Why do hundreds of Arab still decide to join the Israeli security forces?
The answer is economics. The majority argue material conditions were their primary motivation.
>Major events such as Oslo, the intifada, do not appear to have changed recruitment numbers.
>Haitham. A middle aged policeman from Abu Ghosh, was interviewed. The interviewer thought Oslo might lead to more Arab joining the police. Haitham said Oslo is not relevant. Those who look for work don’t think about that sort of thing.
>Why do you work for the Israeli police?
>Haitham says, “ The pay is 5,000 shekels a month. Find me a job that pays 6,000, and I won’t be a policeman anymore.”
>When I finished school in the 60s, we could study in Jerusalem, north, or the Triangle. There are no high schools here. I registered in Nazareth, but they wanted 1,000 liras. My family didn’t have that much. I paid 60 liras. Forced to enter a professional Jewish school in Jerusalem. That’s how he made his way into police mechanics. Any Arab who is financially comfortable does not go into the military or police. There is nowhere else to go. You cannot find one educated Arab there.
>Historically, the recruitment of Arab soldiers relied on personal patronage. Collaborating sheikhs offered members of their family to the military and guaranteed their trustworthiness.
>‘The sheikh shook my hand, and we were employed.’
>This has evolved into two formal recommendations for new volunteers:
Ethnic recruitment centres in run-down areas. The help of particular patrons is offered and sought. While Bedouin can go to any centre, everyone knows ‘Faris’ (the head of the centre), and this officer gives them more help.
>Personal connections continue to be the key.
>The military continues to hold recruitment ceremonies and celebrations at the private homes of key patron sheikhs.
Many soldiers told me of favours done by officers, contingent on co-operation with the Shabak. Usually by informing on neighbours and fellow Arabs.
A retired soldier was told, “Bring one of your sons, and we’ll give you a six-month grazing permit.”
>Jarir mocked the naïveté of Arab recruits.
>‘Some men think if we did military service, we did something big for the state, and they have to take care of us. No sir, there are thousands of soldiers [hayalim] arriving and discharging every day. You can come and act like you are owed a big favour. Then they are surprised, and complain—look the state thew us out. They should have known from the beginning.
>Ahmad, a policeman of 30 years.
“They told me—you are a Muslim, and the Shabak doesn’t like Muslims to be officers. After 14 years of service, they did not give me the chance to prove myself. All jewish policemen are sent for tests after 3 years.
>I went to the traffic accident division. For this job too they had a question mark. They told me I would be under scrutiny. They didn’t say these things to a jewish officer of equal rank.
>They said this because I was an Arab working in a Jewish area.
Got good grades. i asked for a promotion to major. Many others got promoted while he was stuck at that rank.
>Khalid, a Bedouin who had served seven years, lived on his ancestral land in the Galilee. However, his house was engulfed by a Jewish settlement. They attempted to evict him and demolish his home.
>He applied to become a member of the settlement, promising to sell his land. Despite this, he was rejected. He even agreed to swap his property for another village, but this too was rejected.
>Reflecting on his actions, Khalid realised his mistake. He had foolishly believed that by serving, he would receive his rights. He had said he would fight alongside them and receive the same rights as the Jews. However, he had come to understand that this was not the reality. He was good for war, not for living with.
>After the 1999 conflict between Muslims and Christians, many Christians were encouraged to enlist in the army. The state was seen as the only entity capable of protecting them.
>Inter-clan conflicts in Kufur Mindi, election rivalries in Dayr Hanna, and B’ayni followed, leading to military recruitment by competing parties.
>When one party had soldiers among its population, gaining access to weapons, it put pressure on the opposing side to do the same.
>According to a soldier whose father was killed in a dispute, he and his cousins joined the army. Their sole goal was to obtain a gun permit. We are all Palestinian patriots, but our father’s death made us aware of the situation. We understand it is traitorous, but we need that gun permit.
>>2493171>who believes this is organicBelieve it or not this is class struggle at work. Note what the DFLP said in "
On the Role of the Party"
<One of these difficulties [facing the Palestinian revolution] is the so-called "peaceful solution", a conspiracy that is giving benefit to the United States in consolidating its monopoly over the Arab economy…. It is the same conspiracy which is accepted by the reactionary Arab regimes that have failed to confront Israel. These are the same regimes that tried to lead the aborted social revolution. They have failed to understand the leading imperialist role of the U.S. and were unable to escape its monopolies.<Although the so-called "peaceful solution" seems unfruitful, it is clear that this solution is still possible because of the strength of the counter revolutionary camp and the betrayal of the Arab masses by the regimes of the petit-Bourgeoisie in the so-called progressive Arab states.<The weakness of the Palestinian national movement lies in the fact that its leadership has never adopted the ideology of the working class, but rather expressed the hopes and goals of the petit-bourgeoisie. This leads the revolution only half-way… allowing the infiltration of the logic of compromise, with the ensuing danger of crippling the revolutionary movement in the middle of the struggle. Neo-colonial militant forces and the comprador bourgeoisie emerge from internal class contradictions within a nation whose economic development has been warped by imperialism. "Popular Forces" and the like are just another expression of that petty bourgeois "logic of compromise" that the DFLP identified.