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File: 1754759313545.png (23.96 KB, 480x639, ClipboardImage.png)

 

¿Qué piensan los anónimos de /latam/ sobre Nayib Bukake?

Un hijo de puta

El hijo de la truncada revolucion que mato a sus padres politicos.
El Sila de las Americas
El terror del entusiastas de la tinta
El perro de Washington con mas dientes pero con menos ganas de morder a otros

Es un oportunista politico que supo resolver o congelar el acuciante problema del lumpen (alla que metodos esten usando) y que para sostener su bote se amarra a donde el viento le es mas favorable (recordaris de que mantiene una fuerte presencia china y reconoce esa soberania) o que la monedita es parte de una respuesta a que el dinero de los gringos llegue con la menor cantidad de impuestos posibles en una economia dolarizada.

>>10713
es un socialista cristiano morazanista neo-peronista en el espíritu del filibustero William Walker

>>10713
Un facho de mierda

Demostró que haciendo sólo lo básico se puede llegar lejos.

>>10759
L'espagnol est très proche du Français.

Un idiota, como se le ocurre mejorar la economía de su pais con Bitcoins si mucha de su población campesina apenas saben o no saben lo que es el internet y sistema de criptomonedas, lo poco bueno que hizo este ojete fue arrestar a los narcos del polvo blanco de la cia y usar dinero chino para construir una biblioteca vacía

Adolfo Hitler marron chupaculo del capital

basado por meter a las maras a la carcel, nada mas.

>pais tiene crisis de delincuencia e inseguridad
>llega facho de mano dura
>'soluciona' la crisis pero simultaneamente pone medidas autoritarias y vende el pais


un poco mas sofisticado que las dictaduras de los 70 y 80 pero el fenomeno es muy parecido

Bonapartismo con TikTok

>>12497
La cosa es que aunque le llamen el 52 estado de USA nadie va a hacer nada por eso, y vivira por eso por cuanto tiempo quiera ( no se le puede culpar tanto a la mayoría de la plebe que piense asi pero bueno)

Le doy 4 ó 5 años más si no logra mejorar la economia

>>12701
años mas de que. como si fuera a abandonar el poder simplemente

File: 1760170253579.jpg (93.39 KB, 462x461, 4809384585.jpg)

Pienso que es un chad. Todos aquellos que se les pique matense si quieren pero esta bien matar e imprisionar carteles que han estado solo cambiando puestos y nombres desde la venta de armamentos a Iran.

>>10713
Que rico macho es, me encantaría mamarle la pinga

File: 1761117475502.jpg (43.61 KB, 640x685, narcojak.jpg)

gracias bukake por limpiar el terreno para que los carteles no tengan competencia y podamos anexar el salvador para Mexico otra vez.

>>13051
Oe ctm, es la cuadragesima tercera vez que Mexxxico intenta anexionarse una republiqueta de tres perros y un campesino y fracasa por enesima vez.
Vayase a intentar ser anexionado por U$A a otro lado.

>>12769
>imprisionar
¡Tontazo descomunal! Es que ni siquiera hablas bien tu idioma y tienes la osadía de emitir una opinión. Continúa viendo anime en "Crunchyroll", imberbe, bobalicón.

>>13073

But no importa porque el cartel esta lleno de mercenarios Colombianos

Can someone explain to me what was the point of the civil war? During their 10 years in power, they accomplished absolutely nothing for workers. In fact, it has been one of the darkest periods in the country's history, with homicides becoming a daily reality. Is that really what they fought for? I believe socialism can bring positive change, but this political party doesn't stand for any principles and they ruined the country while paving the way for someone like Bukele to rise to power.

‘You Are All Terrorists’: Four Months in a Salvadoran Prison

They said they were shackled, beaten, shot with rubber bullets and tear gassed until they passed out.

They said they were punished in a dark room called the island, where they were trampled, kicked and forced to kneel for hours.

One man said officers thrust his head into a tank of water to simulate drowning. Another said he was forced to perform oral sex on guards wearing hoods.

“‘You are all terrorists,’” Edwin Meléndez, 30, recalled being told by officers who added: “‘Terrorists must be treated like this.’”

In March and April, the Trump administration made the extraordinary decision to send 252 Venezuelan men to a notorious prison in El Salvador known as the Terrorism Confinement Center, saying they had infiltrated the United States in a form of “irregular warfare.”

In interviews, however, the men sent to the prison described frequent, intense physical and psychological abuse. Beyond the beatings, tear gas and trips to the isolation room, the men said they were mocked or ignored by medical personnel, forced to spend 24 hours a day under harsh lights and made to drink from wells of fetid water.

Luis Chacón, 26, from the Venezuelan state of Táchira, was one of several men who said the constant abuse at the prison led him to contemplate suicide. A father of three, he said he had been working as a driver for Uber Eats in Milwaukee before being detained and expelled to the prison. His low point there came in June, he said, on the day of his oldest child’s seventh birthday.

“We had heard that if there was a person who died among us that they would let us all go,” he said. He thought maybe he should be that person: He climbed on a bunk bed, he said, and tried to hang himself with a sheet.

The Trump administration never released a complete list of the 252 Venezuelan men imprisoned in El Salvador or the crimes it claimed they had committed.

Using a leaked list of the names, The Times found that a relatively small share of the men — about 13 percent — seemed to have a serious criminal accusation or conviction in some part of the world. (The Times searched multiple public records databases, but the American government may have more information that it has not released.)

Of the 40 men interviewed for this article, The Times found criminal accusations, beyond immigration and traffic offenses, against three of them.

Victor Ortega, 25, who said he was shot in the head with a rubber bullet while in the Salvadoran prison, has “pending charges for discharge of a firearm and theft,” according to the Trump administration.

A second man we interviewed, Neiyerver Leon, 27, had a misdemeanor charge for possession of drug paraphernalia and was fined.

In addition, public records in the United States indicate that Mr. Chacón, the man who said he had contemplated suicide in prison, had been arrested in 2024 on a domestic violence charge, and was accused this year of retail theft at a Walmart. (The domestic violence case was dismissed, according to public records, and Mr. Chacón was sent to El Salvador before the theft case could play out.)

>‘Welcome to Hell’


At detention facilities in the United States, U.S. officials had told them they were being deported back to Venezuela, the detainees recalled. On a stopover in Honduras, they had been given pizza. Now, a Salvadoran official was boarding the plane.

“You’re staying here,” Ysqueibel Peñaloza, 25, recalled the official saying.

Panic swept down the aisles, he said. The men tightened their seatbelts, Mr. Peñaloza said, in a feeble attempt to prevent removal. The harsh tactics of El Salvador’s president were well known. Some men began to shout, he recalled, demanding to see a U.N. representative, a lawyer or a diplomat from their country.

Then Salvadoran officials, in body armor and carrying batons, boarded the plane, several men recalled, and began to remove the group by force.

Officers bent the handcuffed men at the waist, dragging them off the plane and pushing them onto buses, they said. Cameras rolled. Hours later, Mr. Bukele posted a video of the arrival, packaged with music and drone shots like an action film. Within three days it had been viewed nearly 39 million times.

“We continue advancing in the fight against organized crime,” Mr. Bukele wrote on X, when he posted the video. “But this time, we are also helping our allies.”

Inside the prison, the men said, they were told they were members of Tren de Aragua.

“‘Welcome to hell,’” Anyelo Sarabia, 20, recalled being told upon arrival. “‘From here you’ll leave only in a body bag.’”

In fact, some of the men shipped to El Salvador had sought political asylum in the United States, claiming they would be persecuted for taking part in protests against Mr. Maduro, according to applications reviewed by The Times.

>Life on the Inside


Cut off from the world, the men began to adjust to their new lives. Officials divided them into cells, usually 10 people in each, they said. Meals, three times a day, consisted mostly of rice, beans, spaghetti and tortillas.

They said they occasionally received special treatment, like better food and brief moments outdoors, but only when they had rare, official visitors, including Kristi Noem, head of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security. The prisoners said they were never allowed visits from lawyers or relatives.

Desperation grew, they said. Tito Martínez, 26, began to feel sick and weak, until he could not get out of bed and other men had to feed him, several recalled. Eventually, Mr. Martínez was taken to an infirmary, where he said he was beaten in front of medical personnel.

There, he said, a woman who identified herself as a doctor told him: “‘Resign yourself. It’s time for you to die.’”

When he arrived at the prison, Aldo Colmenarez, a 41-year-old diabetic, according to a Venezuelan doctor’s report, asked officials for insulin, he said. It was five days before they gave it to him, he explained. After that, dosage and application were erratic, said several of the men, leading to episodes of hypoglycemia that left Mr. Colmenarez cold, sweaty and unconscious.

Punishment often felt random and disproportionate, the men said. Bathing was allowed only at 4 a.m. Men who splashed water on themselves to stay cool at other times were sent to the island, the former prisoners said, recounting a dark isolation room with just a pinhole of light in the ceiling, where they were beaten by several guards at a time.

Many of the men described being placed in a “crane” position, in which guards made them kneel with their hands cuffed behind their backs, then lifted them by the arms.

Tensions grew in April. After a few men asked one of the guards, an officer who used the alias Satan, to stop banging cell bars at night, the guards dragged them into a central area and released tear gas in their faces, said two men who were in a nearby cell, Andy Perozo, 30, and Maikel Moreno, 20.

Another of the inmates, Andrys Cedeño, 23, began to convulse.

“Boss,” he said he cried, “I’m asthmatic.”

What the guard did, he said, “was laugh.”

Mr. Cedeño then grew limp and unresponsive. The men who could see the attack said they thought that he had died.

Scared and angry, the prisoners threw soap bars and cups of water, they recalled. The next day, they resolved to stop eating, demanding better treatment.

Then they began to slice their bodies with the rough edges of metal bed ladders and plastic pipes, said several men, using blood to write messages on sheets they hung from the plumbing.

“We’re not criminals, we’re migrants,” said one message, according to several of the men, including Edicson Quintero, 28, who said he cut his abdomen to draw blood for a protest sign.

The hunger strike lasted four days, the men said. Afterward, Andry Hernández, the makeup artist, said officers sent him to the isolation room. There, guards in hoods forced him to crouch and perform oral sex, he said.

“They passed the baton over my parts,” he recalled, “they put the baton through my legs and raised it, they groped me, they touched me, and I just screamed.”

In May, a guard search of one of the cells turned violent, many of the prisoners recalled, and some of the men, enraged and desperate, began dislodging metal parts from their beds and using them to break the locks on cell doors.

Briefly, gates swung open.

Officers responded with guns and what the prisoners described as rubber bullets.

“When the first guy was hit we ran back into the cell,” recalled Edwuar Hernández, 23. “They began to shoot at us point blank, from the bars toward the inside.”

After this attempt at a rebellion, officials forced many of the men to the island, including Mr. Chacón.

There, he said, “they put our heads inside a tank as if to drown us, and they took our heads out again and hit us on the ribs, on the legs, with whatever they could find.”

>A Secret Deal


Far from the prison, diplomats from the United States and Venezuela were hashing out a deal that would determine the prisoners’ fates.

Mr. Maduro had spent the last year imprisoning U.S. citizens and permanent residents in an effort to gain leverage over Washington. In July, he agreed to release 10 of them, along with 80 Venezuelan political prisoners, in exchange for the 252 men imprisoned in El Salvador.

In the weeks before the release, the men said, some of the abuse subsided. Eventually, guards arrived with Head & Shoulders shampoo, Speed Stick deodorant and Colgate toothpaste, the men recalled, and they were shaved and their hair was cut.

Then the prison director appeared.

“You have 20 minutes to bathe,” he told them, according to Jerce Reyes, 36.

“We all started screaming and crying,” he said, “because we knew we were leaving.”

In the interviews, the freed prisoners reported ongoing physical and mental health problems, which they attributed to the beatings and other abuse: blurred vision; recurring migraines; trouble breathing; shoulder, back and knee pain some linked to the “crane” position; nightmares; insomnia. Some have seen doctors, but many said they could not afford to.

https://archive.is/ZWBq4

>>13532
I am no expert, but there were numerous splits inside the FMLN during the 17 years that passed from the end of the war and until the FMLN came into power. So I think it is safe to say that the FMLN change quite a lot during that time.
Also:
>the FMLN gradually abandoned Marxism-Leninism and embraced democratic socialism between 1988 and 1991 while maintaining its close ties to the Catholic Church

>>13532
The period of the civil war was much darker. El Salvador has a history of mass killing and generalized violence and political repression. The civil war was the only way a political opposition could form. The problems that had accumulated over the decades couldn't really be solved in just a few years of rule by the FMLN and ultimately they were blamed for a lot of the problems. I think they were just the last ones holding the bag before the ascension of Bukele.


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