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https://archive.ph/f29PoYoutube PlaylistsAnwar Shaikh - Historical Foundations of Political Economyhttps://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLTMFx0t8kDzc72vtNWeTP05x6WYiDgEx7Anwar Shaikh - Capitalism: Competition, Conflict and Criseshttps://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLB1uqxcCESK6B1juh_wnKoxftZCcqA1goAnwar Shaikh - Capitalismhttps://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLz4k72ocf2TZMxrEVCgpp1b5K3hzFWuZhCapital Volume 1 high quality audiobook from Andrew S. Rightenburg (Human-Read, not AI voice or TTS voice)https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLUjbFtkcDBlSHVigHHx_wjaeWmDN2W-h8Capital Volume 2 high quality audiobook from Andrew S. Rightenburg (Human-Read, not AI voice or TTS voice)https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLUjbFtkcDBlSxnp8uR2kshvhG-5kzrjdQCapital Volume 3 high quality audiobook from Andrew S. Rightenburg (Human-Read, not AI voice or TTS voice)https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLUjbFtkcDBlRoV5CVoc5yyYL4nMO9ZJzOTheories of Surplus Value high quality audiobook from Andrew S. Rightenburg (Human-Read, not AI voice or TTS voice)https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLUjbFtkcDBlQa-dFgNFtQvvMOgNtV7nXpPaul Cockshott - Labor Theory of Value Playlisthttps://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLKVcO3co5aCBnDt7k5eU8msX4DhTNUilaPaul Cockshott - Economic Planning Playlisthttps://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLKVcO3co5aCDnkyY9YkQxpx6FxPJ23joHPaul Cockshott - Materialism, Marxism, and Thermodynamics Playlisthttps://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLKVcO3co5aCBv0m0fAjoOy1U4mOs_Y8QMVictor Magariño - Austrian Economics: A Critical Analysishttps://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLpHi51IjLqerA1aKeGe3DcRc7zCCFkAoqVictor Magariño - Rethinking Classical Economicshttps://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLpHi51IjLqepj9uE1hhCrA66tMvNlnIttVictor Magariño - Mathematics for Classical Political Economyhttps://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLpHi51IjLqepWUHXIgVhC_Txk2WJgaSstGeopolitical Economy Hour with Radhika Desai and Michael Hudson (someone says "he's CIA doing reheated Proudhonism" lol)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X7ejfZdPboo&list=PLDAi0NdlN8hMl9DkPLikDDGccibhYHnDPPotential Sources of InformationLeftypol Wiki Political Economy Category (needs expanding)https://leftypedia.miraheze.org/wiki/Category:Political_economySci-Hubhttps://sci-hub.se/aboutMarxists Internet Archivehttps://www.marxists.org/Library Genesishttps://libgen.is/University of the Lefthttp://ouleft.sp-mesolite.tilted.net/Onlinebannedthought.nethttps://bannedthought.net/Books scanned by Ismail from eregime.org that were uploaded to archive.orghttps://archive.org/details/@ismail_badiouThe Great Soviet Encyclopedia: Articles from the GSE tend to be towards the bottom.https://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/EcuRed: Cuba's online encyclopediahttps://www.ecured.cu/Books on libcom.orghttps://libcom.org/bookDictionary of Revolutionary Marxismhttps://massline.org/Dictionary/index.htm/EDU/ ebook share threadhttps://leftypol.org/edu/res/22659.htmlPre-Marxist Economics (Marx studied these thinkers before writing Capital and Theories of Surplus Value)https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/economics/index.htmPrinciple writings of Karl Marx on political economy, 1844-1883https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/subject/economy/index.htmSpeeches and Articles of Marx and Engels on Free Trade and Protectionism, 1847-1888https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/subject/free-trade/index.htm(The Critique Of) Political Economy After Marx's Deathhttps://www.marxists.org/subject/economy/postmarx.htm>>2298876evading sanctions
>>2298878I was told a currency must be involved in a transaction for it to be capitalism. Do China and Iran trade outside of a capitalist framework sometimes?
>>2298887I don't know what you are talking about, why don't you ask the person that told you that instead of schizoposting
this is an open question to for any anon with half a brain
>>2298887 people regularly trade commodities in kind though
>>2298910informally and on an individual basis, yes, but not on an international level
>listening to an audiobook of political economy
I'm sure all that information is being absorbed.
>>2298887After the Roman Empire collapsed people continued to measure the value of things in Roman currency, even if they had none available to physically trade. They would keep ledgers tracking payments and debts. It's just a measurement tool and you don't need the physical stuff to use it that way. We don't physically trade cash in most transactions today either, simply changing numbers in a database that represents money we own.
>>2298939different people prefer different methods of processing information. When listening to an audiobook it is advisable to rewind for parts if you feel like you weren't paying attention, the same way you might re-read a passage that you skimmed on autopilot. Obviously if you reach a point where there is a chart, table, graph, figure, or image, the audiobook narrator should inform you to consult the real book. Andrew Rightenburg does this in his Capital audiobooks linked in the OP. As for footnotes that is something you should go back and read on your own time but I have encountered some audiobooks that include them (very rarely).
My preferred method is to listen to a book once as an audiobook to "get the big idea" while at work, or doing chores, or whatever, and then go back and read it physically when I have fere time.
As always it is good to take notes, or ask questions, consult other people who have read the book, etc. No single strategy is good in a vacuum but should be combined with other strategies.
>>2298977Archeology demonstrates that debt records started out as clay cuneiform records (3000s BCE Mesopotamia) long before coinage was invented (~600 BCE Lydia). So the earliest form of banking, which did not use coinage, predates currency by nearly 2,500 years. Storehouses and temples in Uruk held clay records of who owed what to whom. This was actually the primary purpose of early writing. Literature and poetry and religious documents were secondary. As always, superstructure emerges from base.
When Marx was writing in the 1840s–1880s, archaeology of Mesopotamia was in its infancy. The decipherment of cuneiform began in the 1850s, and detailed economic interpretations came much later in the 20th century. So Marx lacked access to this newly available archaeological record when detailing his history of money early in Volume 1. This is not a complaint against Marx so much as it is an additional bit of nuance.
>>2299139Is Graeber any good? I don't see much praises of him here
>>2299147i think hes fine, like hudson. they just sort of decenter marx's critique of capitalism to focus on debt in different MoP
>>2299147Not those anons but Debt was very good, i'd highly recommend it, also his last book.
He was very active politically in the radical/activist space, for that i will always appreciate him more than any books tbh.
was gonna say transhistorical debt but its not really since it doesn't arise till agriculture. but its more of an analysis(interpret the world, yet correct) then how to change it
How much productive forces is enough for communism?
Would you say 1st world countries like USA/EU/AU are already sufficiently developed for communism?
Is there like a target number, like $30,000 GDP per capita or something?
>>2299139np
>>2299185the broader extrapolation of debt is to naturalise its relation as ontological. life is a debt which is constantly being paid for - like karma, or sin. you might otherwise call it "entropy" or "death". society makes debt a meme, which is supppied with by ritual. freud's "death drive" also adds to this. we are driven to self-destruction; which is also the logic of economic value.
>>2299147i only read graeber's debt book but i thought it was absolutely fabulous. it is a sort of inversion of marxist critique, by analysing the superstructure (or sphere of circulation, rather than production), and seeing how this affects society (other books with this same theme include baudrillard's "symbolic exchange and death", and kojin karatani's "the structure of world history". camille paglia's "sexual personae" may also fit into this category). i find graeber's general view of society being based in credit and debts persuasive. the "bonds" of society are held together by mutual debts and forgiveness. money is simply a circulating debt, which must be forgiven after a certain period, lest the debtors become enslaved.
graeber sees how parental relationships have always been characterised as an unpayable debt, leading to ancestor worship in terms of forgiveness (of course, we still pray to our heavenly "father" for forgiveness). crime in general is seen as a debt against society. we are "charged" with a penalty and "pay a price". if it be the case, we may also be "forgiven" and have our charges "cleared", where the "record" or "slate" is made "clean". this directly refers to the tracking of ancient debts, where tablets were destroyed at the end of each old cycle (the structure of jurisprudence today is also overtly christian, where one pays penance after "confessing" to their crime/sin).
good manners are based in reciprocal relationships of mutual debt. the ceremony of manners is in forgiving interpersonal debts. one pleads to another for permission for something, and they are duly granted it. this is perhaps why any lack of reciprocation in manners makes us furious, since we are held in their debt; the same way we may pettily refuse to thank someone who is inconvenient toward us. we feel like we have "gained" something, which is a social mastery over them; they are unforgiven. problems begin here.
michael hudson in his book, "forgive them their debts" also goes into this, where the christian message was in appealing to the "jubilee" year of the jews, where one may be a slave up to the period of 7 years, where afterwards they were set free (like the shabbat, or new milennium). the lord's prayer includes in it the request for God to forgive debts, as we forgive our own debtors. "sin" then is a concept of debt, as we see in the jewish ritual of yom kippur (which is what the passion of Christ is based on). a scapegoat is sacrificed for the sins of the community. this is present in most pagan communities also, where animals are given to the gods (where animals represent the "totem" of the ancestral cult, and so is an offering to the celestial family and tribe). in every way, debt accumulates and is sought to be erased. this is the general crisis of society, and it has reared its head again today, where rentiers have monopolised our land and property to extract resources they dont deserve. there is debt, but no forgiveness. this only ends in slavery, or revolution. graeber however already sees that we are slaves; wage slaves. the "wage", as he explains, was originally the personal fund given to servants. likewise, the "slaves" of antiquity were servants to the same degree as today, and wage workers also work longer than serfs ever did. serfs had an allotted debt, which was paid for by a certain amount of labour. today, there is an unpayable debt - we are existing in worse conditions than serfs.
its these sorts of insights which are very valuable to me, and which are thankfully bipartisan, common sense concerns, rather than academic nonsense or marxist myopia. the class struggle between worker, capitalist and landlord was explored by adam smith as early as 1776, in light of the revolution, and this inquiry has been pursued by all true liberals. in 1690, locke declared that labour afforded man his rightful property, yet it is the fruit of his labour which affords the property of the landlord. a person who believes in property cannot believe in this system;
<"The labour of his body, and the work of his hands, we may say, are properly his. Whatsoever then he removes out of the state that nature hath provided, and left it in, he hath mixed his labour with, and joined to it something that is his own, and thereby makes it his property. It being by him removed from the common state nature hath placed it in, it hath by this labour something annexed to it, that excludes the common right of other men: for this labour being the unquestionable property of the labourer, no man but he can have a right to what that is once joined to, at least where there is enough, and as good, left in common for others." [john locke, of civil government, ch. 5, §27]labour is owed its rightful property.
[an aspect of graeber's book i especially liked was his description of ancient materialism beginning with the coining of money in 600 B.C. - aristotle also sees philosophy beginning in thales by this same materialism in "metaphysics" book 1, where there is a progressive movement from materialism to idealism. graeber likewise sees that in periods of credit money, there is idealism, and in metal money, there is materialism. since 1971, there has been an exponential rise in religious fundamentalism, so perhaps that plays into it; "postmodern conservatism"]
>>2300062>How much productive forces is enough for communism?People always argue over this because they say "Marx thought Britain was developed enough for socialism in the 1800s so why are we waiting on China to finish developing the productive forces in the 2020s?"
I think the answer is that the level of development of productive forces is supposed to be relative rather than absolute. Relative to what? Relative to imperialism.
Marx always thought Communism would arise first in the
most developed nations of the imperial core. In the 20th century we experienced the contrary trend of nations like Tsarist Russia and Qing China, backwards semi-feudal countries having "proletarian" revolutions (that were paradoxically carried out by a peasant majority merely led by a proletarian vanguard).
Now did history prove Marx wrong or were these merely premature births? Those who say "premature birth" say so because the USSR collapsed and China has become in their eyes revisionist and capitalist. Putting aside that debate, which I don't find as interesting or important as others might, it is noteworthy that alongside these peripheral "premature births" we also have imperial core "abortions" like the Paris Commune and the German Revolution of 1919 that were both suppressed.
China's "reason" or "excuse" (depending on your severity of criticism) for waiting on the "development of productive forces" in this 21st century, is that, even though they are
absolutely-speaking far more developed than 19th century England, they are still
relatively-speaking far behind the USA, not in terms of manufacturing capacity, but in terms of nominal GDP and military power projection. The China-defending line is this: China's gap with America is closing quickly but to expect China to pivot to full socialism and begin exporting the revolution to other nations before they are the pre-eminent superpower is unrealistic. This is a return to Marx, where socialism emerges from the core rather than the periphery… but the China-attacking line is this: if China has already compromised itself and reverted to bourgeois forms in order to protect itself "until the time is right" then
why would they export the revolution instead of simply taking America's place as the hegemon?
There is also the question of unequal development. A peripheral country today may be absolutely-speaking more developed than the 1800s England that Marx was writing Capital in, but relatively-speaking they may be kept underdeveloped through imperialism so they can be exploited for natural resources, be forced at gunpoint to take out IMF loans and adopt union-busting and austerity policies, have coup leaders installed if they become unruly towards the imperial core, suffer from occupation due to their lack of military might, etc. Of course Saddam's Iraq for example and Gaddafi's Libya were both more developed than 1800s England, but they still suffered from occupation and destruction when they dared to step out of line. Can we really say they have enough "productive forces" if they can't resist the imperialists? But then we also saw how Vietnam defeated American occupation (at a huge cost of lives of course). So it's a difficult questin.
>>2300224
>Marx always thought Communism would arise first in the most developed nations of the imperial core.Actually he began to change his view on this in his later life.
>>2300229Yeah that's true, I should have made a side note about that
>>2300229Ignoring my glaring error at that part what are your thoughts on the rest of the post? Thanks.
>>2300224>why would they export the revolution instead of simply taking America's place as the hegemon?Because that's impossible. China watchers are not really wrong: China would have failed long ago if it worked as any capitalist country does. Their lower profit margins would have simply made them a bad option to invest into, among many other things. China watchers just don't understand the power that the immortal science of Marxism-Leninism provides.
China may not export any revolution ever, but it's impossible for them to take the spot of the leader of the imperialist world without falling apart very quickly. They would lose all that manufacturing they worked so hard to get.
>>2300244>>2300247is there actually any evidence marx changed his mind, or is this another popular myth? remember, we need primary sources!
>>2300229perhaps i am ignorant, but i dont recall marx ever backtracking his position, which is clearly stated here:
<"It is a question of these laws themselves [of capitalist production], of these tendencies working with iron necessity towards inevitable results. The country that is more developed industrially only shows, to the less developed, the image of its own future […] in England the process of social disintegration is palpable. When it has reached a certain point, it must react on the Continent." [capital vol. 1, ch. 1, 1867 preface]marx perceives a linear causality as it relates to the progress of history. engels, years later, shares the same view:
<"The working of the industrial system of this country, impossible without a constant and rapid extension of production, and therefore of markets, is coming to a dead stop […] The sighed for period of prosperity will not come; as often as we seem to perceive its heralding symptoms, so often do they again vanish into air." [capital vol. 1, 1886 preface]engels sees the imminence of revolution.
in regards to a misquotation of marx:
<"The English working class will never accomplish anything…"it must be read in its context:
<"As to the Irish question….The way I shall put forward the matter next Tuesday is this: that quite apart from all phrases about "international" and "humane" justice for Ireland – which are to be taken for granted in the International Council – it is in the direct and absolute interest of the English working class to get rid of their present connection with Ireland […] The English working class will never accomplish anything before it has got rid of Ireland. The lever must be applied in Ireland. That is why the Irish question is so important for the social movement in general." [marx, 1869 letter to engels]https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1869/letters/69_12_10-abs.htmnow, regarding this "irish question", marx and engels have rather crude sentiments. first is engels:
<"The southern facile character of the Irishman, his crudity, which places him but little above the savage, his contempt for all humane enjoyments, in which his very crudeness makes him incapable of sharing, his filth and poverty, all favour drunkenness. The temptation is great, he cannot resist it, and so when he has money he gets rid of it down his throat. What else should he do? How can society blame him when it places him in a position in which he almost of necessity becomes a drunkard; when it leaves him to himself, to his savagery? With such a competitor the English working-man has to struggle, with a competitor upon the lowest plane possible in a civilised country, who for this very reason requires less wages than any other. Nothing else is therefore possible than that, as Carlyle says, the wages of English working-man should be forced down further and further in every branch in which the Irish compete with him. And these branches are many. All such as demand little or no skill are open to the Irish. For work which requires long training or regular, pertinacious application, the dissolute, unsteady, drunken Irishman is on too low a plane." [engels, condition of the working class, 1845]https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/condition-working-class/ch06.htmhe is saying that [irish] immigration lowers the wages of a national working class by a general decline of the standard of living.
marx wrote this, also:
<"Ireland is the bulwark of the English landed aristocracy. The exploitation of that country is not only one of the main sources of their material wealth; it is their greatest moral strength. They, in fact, represent the domination over Ireland. Ireland is therefore the cardinal means by which the English aristocracy maintain their domination in England itself […] But the English bourgeoisie has also much more important interests in the present economy of Ireland. Owing to the constantly increasing concentration of leaseholds, Ireland constantly sends her own surplus to the English labour market, and thus forces down wages and lowers the material and moral position of the English working class. And most important of all! Every industrial and commercial centre in England now possesses a working class divided into two hostile camps, English proletarians and Irish proletarians. The ordinary English worker hates the Irish worker as a competitor who lowers his standard of life." [marx, letter to sigfrid meyer, 1870]https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/letters/70_04_09.htmmarx is offering similar feelings. to marx and engels then, there seems to be a ruling class interest in immigration, which leads to antagonisms in the working class. i find no further context to the "irish question" by marx, considering this letter was written a year after his immense declaration that "The English working class will never accomplish anything before it has got rid of Ireland". was marx simply MAGA?
>>2300318
>is there actually any evidence marx changed his mind, or is this another popular myth? remember, we need primary sources!https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1881/zasulich/zasulich.htmhttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1881/zasulich/index.htmhttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1881/zasulich/reply.htmI think this idea comes from Karl Marx's correspondence with Vera Zasulich in 1881, two years before his death, over the question of whether Russia could bypass capitalism and move directly to socialism based on the traditional peasant commune.
Zasulich:
> it is a life-and-death question above all for our socialist party. In one way or another, even the personal fate of our revolutionary socialists depends upon your answer to the question. For there are only two possibilities. Either the rural commune, freed of exorbitant tax demands, payment to the nobility and arbitrary administration, is capable of developing in a socialist direction, that is, gradually organising its production and distribution on a collectivist basis. In that case, the revolutionary socialist must devote all his strength to the liberation and development of the commune.
>If, however, the commune is destined to perish, all that remains for the socialist, as such, is more or less ill-founded calculations as to how many decades it will take for the Russian peasant’s land to pass into the hands of the bourgeoisie, and how many centuries it will take for capitalism in Russia to reach something like the level of development already attained in Western Europe. Their task will then be to conduct propaganda solely among the urban workers, while these workers will be continually drowned in the peasant mass which, following the dissolution of the commune, will be thrown on to the streets of the large towns in search of a wage.Marx drafted several versions of his response (which show his evolving thought), but ultimately sent one final letter. In his letter of March 8, 1881, Marx acknowledged that the Russian peasant commune could be a starting point for socialism, but only if it was preserved from attack.
Marx replying to Zasulich:
>the special study I have made of it, including a search for original source material, has convinced me that the commune is the fulcrum for social regeneration in Russia. But in order that it might function as such, the harmful influences assailing it on all sides must first be eliminated, and it must then be assured the normal conditions for spontaneous development.So I think it has to do with getting excited about this statement specifically.
Marx was being flexible and context-sensitive, and argued that his theory was not a one-size-fits-all model. The evolution of capitalism in Western Europe wasn't necessarily a universal pattern that all societies had to follow. He recognized that the Russian rural commune contained communal and cooperative elements that, under the right conditions, could serve as the basis for a socialist transition. Marx was cautious.
>>2300069>the broader extrapolation of debt is to naturalise its relation as ontological. Yes that is the problem. Pretty sure Greaber agrees that debt didn't exist until sedentary agriculture created surplus food which resulted in the invention of writing.
>>2300069>this inquiry has been pursued by all true liberalsi wonder why "true liberalism" never works out. did anyone ever write about that?
>marxist myopiaoh well guess not
>>2300704
>>2300704
>i believe he says that there is no accountable origin of debt, since it is just in the structure of society itself
correct, if there is no writing there is no 'account'. similarly if we consider civilization sedentary then nomads are not a society because society implies property relations. the "first 5000 years" starts 5000 ya, which by many accounts is only a couple hundred years after writing
>>2300704
>vulgar anthropocentrism
is it really or is it human supremacy and speciesism? if his concern is human emancipation that makes sense, and non-human liberation would be predicated on humans first.
but really how can you both be a liberal and reject the concept of freedom?
>>2300318>was marx simply MAGA?I was the one who gave you the Vera Zasulich sources earlier. I have finished reading this post in its entirety finally and am ready to reply to this question.
I think it is important for contemporary Marxists to neither deny (since that would require lying) nor to incorporate (since that would be reactionary) the "crude sentiments" as you call them in the works and letters of Engels and Marx. They are not merely "of their time" as is sometimes often used as an excuse, they are specifically racist, yes, even the letter about Ferdinand Lassalle, which many assert was penned in anger after Ferdinand Lassalle suggested Marx "pimp" his daughter out. Proof for that assertion is never provided, instead we see Marx saying that Lassalle suggested his daughter hang out with their mutual friend, a rich aristocratic widower and covert funder of the 1st International named Sophie Von Hatzenfeldt, but I digress. My point is, don't deny these crude sentiments, but don't treat them like gospel either. Contemporary Marxists I think should not simply be fantatical devotees and hangers-on of every single word Marx ever wrote, but simply people who find his works, theories, and methods interesting or useful for the labor movement.
As for the question of immigration, a more useful way to frame this issue already exists in Capital: Reserve army of labor, i.e. using a "relative surplus population" (relative to what? to the needs of capital) to drive down real wages. Ignoring whether or not an immigrant population is "criminal" or "drunk" or "lumpen" it is much more important to keep in mind that it is
the bourgeoisie who are pitting proles of different nationalities against each other. And proles in an imperial core nation should not treat "imported" workers with hostility any more than they should have contempt for proles who their jobs are "exported" (outsourced) to. The bourgeoisie orchestrate production through their class dictatorship, and therefore are the orchestrators of the misery of the proletarians of all nations. The psychology of nationalism and ingroup preference is a powerful instinct that it is often very difficult to overcome, which is why class consciousness is something that has to cultivated through education, agitation, and organization, rather than something innate. This is most unfortunate because it means our battle is an uphill one.
It is also important that we keep in mind that capitalism is a system and that capital itself as an incentive structure has hijacked and overridden the collective behavior of society. Capital drives the behavior of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat even when individuals within their class defect or try to fight the system. We call capitalism the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, but in a very real sense the bourgeoisie are enslaved to capital as a perverse incentive structure.
>>2300704>>2300747Cockshott interestingly criticizes Marx along similar lines in this embedded video. I highly recommend watching it.
It is also the 3rd part of a much longer playlist
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLKVcO3co5aCBv0m0fAjoOy1U4mOs_Y8QM>>2300783So much of the remaining "scarcity" is already contrived. See Chapter 3 of
Fascism and Social Revolution by Rajani Palme Dutt, especially the section titled "The Deliberate Destruction of the Productive Forces."
Which volume of Capital do I need to purchase to become a millionaire?
Also, why hasn't Andrew Tate done a series on these books yet? Feel like he's missing a golden goose here…
>>2300794internationally or…?
>>2300769>direct government organisation and subsiding of such destruction and restriction of production by all the leading imperialist governments.
>in the forefront by the most “progressive” governments, by the Roosevelt Government in the United States
>From Denmark,
>the same way the British Labour Government
>this new type of capitalist company
>The National Coffee Council of Brazil…in December 1931
>The Governors of Texas and Oklahoma
>the inseparable connection of this process of decay with the social and political pheno mena of decay which find their complete expression in Fascismso it sounds to me like he is talking about imperialist countries, which makes sense. imperialism is characterized by monopoly which results in stagnation and a lower rate of profit as the maximum technology is applied at all parts of the supply chain. imperialism is already moribund capitalism, capitalism in decay, and fascism is one "solution" to this decay, destruction of productive forces domestically to reset the rate of profit, or external territorial expansion to open new avenues for investment, or a combo like in the bombing of iraq.
he also talks about the destruction of commodities in all capitalist countries but this destruction of productive forces is more specific to imperialist governments or comprador regimes working for imperialist governments. i dont think its correct to say scarcity is contrived in underdeveloped nations who have just gained independence for the first time, for example in china immediately following the revolution.
>>2300318>he is saying that [irish] immigration lowers the wages of a national working class by a general decline of the standard of living.How is this "crude sentiment"? He is correct.
>was marx simply MAGA?In what way?
>>2300769>Contemporary Marxists I think should not simply be fantatical devotees and hangers-on of every single word Marx ever wroteI dont think this is what people are doing when they quote Marx on the Irish question or in similar situations, its more looking the general analysis of the relation of the proletariat in both countries under a colonial occupation and seeing if it has broader application. The Irish can't be free without national self determination, and the English can't be free while the working class is split into labor aristocracy and immiserated proles whose short term interests are not aligned. You basically have reactionary unions and lumpens and nothing else. Its rescuing the "rational kernel" from a passing comment and seeing how it might relate to the overall thesis, which isn't always possible sometimes its just a comment.
>>2299558It's all right there in his autobiography if you just read it lmao.
https://michael-hudson.com/2018/08/life-thought-an-autobiography/>So we had a new analysis of the origins of property, not just individuals grabbing, as Engels had thought. Property was created by the public sector, by the palaces, as assignment of land as needed.Engels was wrong, it was actually the ebil central government that created private property! This sounds like a "crony capitalism" rant
>This way of getting the economic surplus is not the way that Marx described it as being obtained under capitalism, by employing labor to produce goods to sell at a profit. It was by debt and taking interest in ultimately foreclosing in land, which was the real objective.Marx was wrong about how surplus value is extracted, capitalist dindu nuffin, it was them evil (((financiers)))
There's also a bunch of stupid bullshit about "jubilees" and "debt cancellation" that no real Marxist should take seriously.
>>2300704>as benjamin franklin once said:>>"man is a tool-making animal"Are you endorsing that view or is it meant as a similar example?
>the negation of personal will in the animal, and the negation of instinct in man's own constructionAnd what alternative do you propose? Do you believe in "will"? Do you think animals are conscious? And what about humans?
>>2300773He also maintains that humans are unique because they can write.
Cockshott does deny consciousness, which puts him at odds with communism being dependent on class consciousness. From a hard determinist and physicalist perspective there is no such thing as ideas or the mind and so if communism is possible, it must be inevitable and there is nothing to be done.
Or perhaps communism is impossible and capitalism is just human nature, playing out instincts programmed into the bundle of chemicals and cells we call human. Does a wolf really have intentions? Does it really intend to eat its pray or is that just a byproduct of its genetic material driven to reproduce itself? Do bees and wolves have the capacity for revolution and self emancipation? Or are those words meaningless?
Maybe communism is inevitable and nature spontaneously is self organizing, life being one such example, but that directly contradicts entropy. On a long enough timeline everything ends with the heat death of the universe. That was nick lands conclusion in his attempts to overcome anthropocentrism.
>>2301288>Cockshott does deny consciousness???
>>2301290He says its an illusion. I believe his position is similar to Dennet
>>2300724dunno about other nomadic societies, but central asian nomads had property relations
the nomadic lifestyle had more to do with grazing animals according to seasonal patterns, they weren't just wandering around aimlessly for no reason
>>2301320what time period we talking about here? before 3500 BC? i think people might be projecting property relations when they weren't really there. personal property or ownership through use aren't really the same thing as private property or land as productive real estate. like saying trade and barter is the same as capitalism. or saying that gift economies had the same conception of debt as agricultural ones
>>2301324Would inter-tribal territorial claims and disputes within a broad culture of people who speak the same language and intermingle through marriage count as property relations?
Like, there were no specific land claims within the tribes members (aside form "chief gets to settle in the nice part near the river", or "chief symbolically settles on the north side of the camp"), but between tribes I believe there were bitter struggles over certain territories
>>2301291Illusions are phenomena which fool conscious beings. There are no illusions without consciousness, since illusions are a relation between consciousness and a misperceived phenomena. What perceives an illusion? Consciousness.
>>2301331Yeah I think Cockshott is wrong but try telling him or his fanclub that.
>>2301251>I dont think this is what people are doing when they quote Marx on the Irish question or in similar situationsIt depends on the person
>>2301333Well I'd like a source for Cockshott not believing in consciousness because the reasoning
>it's just a cloud of unrelated phenomena that appears a certain way but doesn't actually existis very similar to Mach's reason for rejecting atoms, but Cockshott rejects Machism and accepts atoms. So it doesn't sound like the kind of reasoning he would use for consciousness.
>>2301335Right he also thinks that Lenin agrees with him in "Materialism and Empirio-Criticism" when the position(s) Lenin is critiquing are the same as Cockshotts. He will say he is not a Machist or Berkelian idealist so it doesn't count, yet lately he explicitly upholds mechanical materialism over dialectical materialism.
He references Dennet here
https://paulcockshott.wordpress.com/2020/05/04/historical-materialism-and-the-repudiation-of-subjectivism/and gives him TWO book recommends under his "materialism" section, including Lenins MEC and Turing. Says Dennet continues Lenins work in materialism lol.
and since I know that wont be enough for Cockshott fans who will need a direct quote we have comments in picrel.
lots more from related topics in the threads on this video
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kjja-oNyfdI&lc=UgyUuExX9DapVDDvegF4AaABAg >>2301334Of course. But I think if we take his comments on the potential for Russia not as gospel, but as an indication that Marx was flexible and context-sensitive, same as with Ireland, we would find that Marx is not "walking back" his position, but instead clarifying it as dependent on material and historical conditions, and it only seems that he is backtracking to people who do take his word as dogma, or alternatively people who take particular policy prescriptions in isolation from their context and hold him to them in different contexts as a cheap gotcha.
>>2301330>Would inter-tribal territorial claims and disputes within a broad culture of people who speak the same language and intermingle through marriage count as property relations?idk lol do wolves have property relations?
>>2301353I don't know either.
Do beavers build infrastructure?
Do herring have culture?
>>2301347thanks for the answer. I see what you're getting at now. especially image 3. though he still admits experience of sensations through a brain and says consciousness is just a stand in word for that, but… so what? Are we not allowed to group related phenomena with words? Seems silly and arbitrary.
>>2301367i think it depends. do beavers exist or are they just a chemical soup? if substance is subject then everything is just stuff and objects are temporary forms that matter takes for a period before it takes another form. if we are to make any sense of things at all we have to pretend objects exist, but ground them within their temporal context. so if property relations is a concept that we use to describe a formation of matter under capitalism, is that the same formation that we use to describe tribal territories? what is the purpose of such a concept? isofar as a concept is objective it has to be shared, we can all agree that a tree is a tree or a dog is a dog, given an agreed on set of constraints but what is a property relation? its more ambiguous and harder for people to agree on the set of constraints. for me i think the distinction is a political one, and whether you call them the same or not is a political decision that depends on the consequences of flattening the difference or choosing to distinguish them.
>>2301380meaning: are property relations something inherent in nature or are they historically transient? one means they are eternal and the other means they can be overcome
>>2301288>Cockshott does deny consciousness, which puts him at odds with communism being dependent on class consciousness.Absurd inference. Cockshott finds the way some philosophers talk about consciousness useless, philosophers of the type that does idle speculation without glancing at what biologists, computer scientists, etc. are investigating. He does not claim that people cannot hold information in their heads, cannot change their opinion with experience and maybe some help of propaganda.
>>2301291He seems similar in that to Daniel Dennett and has said so himself, yes. But I'm not 100 % sure if I want to call theirs a consciousness-as-illusion position, I prefer to say they find it an extremely garbled concept with no clear consequences. (The consequences 2301288 draws are a non sequitur.) Like, what could possibly be a practical consequence of having this or that position on qualia.
>>2301347What are these screenshots supposed to signify and what are the practical consequences of this for anyone. What better understanding of anything is offered here by comments like
<im talking about the activity of your brain presenting the world to youThis seems to either lead to body-soul dualism or infinite regress (inside the minds, something is presented to a watcher and that watcher's mind works by something being presented to a watcher inside and so on forever).
>>2301404obviously its supposed to defend dialectical materialism but if you are just interested in proving cockshott correct learning it will be a difficult task. theres lots of elaboration in the linked comments just like there is in every video or blog post where he says something similar. his position is pretty well established at this point and he gets critique every time he brings it up because it completely contradicts and undermines marx
>>2301421>if you are just interested in proving cockshott correctBefore trying to read between the lines try reading the lines. I said:
1. The consequences 2301288 draws are a non sequitur.
2. What are the
practical consequences of this dispute?
3. "Your brain presenting the world to you…" seems to either lead to body-soul dualism or infinite regress.
Make an argument addressing at least a single point of what I said. You may claim that "defending dialectical materialism" meets point 2, but for that you would have to load up the meaning of the DM view with statements that are already perfectly agreeable to people like Rosa Lichtenstein who agree with much of what Marx wrote without them identifying with DM. Do you have something else?
>>2301456I think I was pretty clear the first time when I said that from a strict physicalist position communism is either inevitable or it is not. That has a lot of practical consequences, and explains why Cockshott thinks he can prove communism true by doing math. Dialectical materialism does not lead to body-soul dualism or infinite regress.
If you dont want me to read between the lines then you are going to need to be more specific. What does " The consequences 2301288 draws" refer to? Dennett says himself that he thinks its an illusion. Maybe you think something else?
>>2301459What have you read of Dennett?
>>2301462What have you read of Marx?
>>2301463I'm old so I don't actually remember everything but of the top of my head Capital I, II, III, "IV"; Manifesto, CotGP, Wage-Labor and Capital, Brumaire, some letters and articles although for some of the articles it isn't quite clear whether they were penned by Marx or Engels. From Engels ABC and Anti-Dühring.
>>2301467 (me)
And Grundrisse; the thing against Proudhon; Value, Price and Profit.
>you need writing for debt account
What if people were just rly good at remembering back then
>>2301480
>he also disputes debts arising from the invention of writing
interesting. its not critical for my point of view. i usually consider money-debt-writing-patriarchy-slavery all as a result of sedentary agriculture leading to surplus food and surplus population. not really sure what order it happens in or whether it matters. its certainly possible that verbal debts came first and they wrote them down later or even that different places adopted them in different orders. the transition from one to the other was a result in a change in the method of reproduction of social life.
i agree more with the state theory of money obviously. but either way my point has been that whatever it is, it is not transhistorical. i think the religion metaphor is something the guy who came up with commodity fetishism would appreciate
>>2301490>it is not transhistoricalthink of it this way. if there was no "debt" (tax) inherent to society, then there would never be a need for a state. however, there is always need for a state, so there is always a debt inherent to society. stateless societies are typically not civilisations, yet in place of the state, they have tribal rule, which likewise offers tributes to idols. there is no free lunch, but always ritual which expends resources, and this acts as a form of social reproduction. in my criticism of carl menger, i cite adam smith in this respect; that the state is unproductive (valueless), yet simultaneously necessary (useful). this is the function of debt/waste. its like how our free time becomes wasted time. we need this negativity to orient ourselves. an original sin.
>>2301288if the proposition "humans are animals" holds, then we can assume that we behave in the same way they do. the only alternative is to assume otherwise, that humans are somehow "special". as marx says, bees put architects to shame. if we were the size of bees, would we feel superior? i think animals and insects have as much will and instinct as we do. humans are just "the food which speaks", as the cannibals say.
>>2300747>is it really or is it human supremacy and speciesism?to me, it just seems like a theoretical error on marx's part. we can read it here:
<"But what distinguishes the worst architect from the best of bees is this, that the architect raises his structure in imagination before he erects it in reality."this, cockshott criticises as "idealism", as he says in this video:
>>2300773its idealism because it attributes a special status to "imagination", when of course, the ends of production owe little to the substance of its means. it is the same way a machine increases the labour power of a worker, so he is not diminished by this tool, but amplified by it. would a bee become more or less productive with "imagination"? its immaterial, so irrelevant to the topic of legitimising human labour. cockshott also astutely sees the fact that an architect rarely creates anything themselves; so marx in his anthropocentrism also blinds himself from class reality. cockshott instead attributes technical culture like writing to be what makes humanity unique - i would say "speech" instead.
>freedomlike kant's critique of pure reason, we must see the ways in which freedom itself has its preconditions. one man's will opposes another, such as his property intrudes upon another's.
>>2301392A thing can be inherent in nature and also be possible to overcome
>>2301660Animals exist in a constant state of either being predator or prey or both. Humans can overcome this and become neither.
>>2301669is polio "inherent" to nature?
>>2301665>humans are not predatorslook up "factory farming footage"
>>2301719Cool language game
>>2301869is this some attempt at a rebuke?
also, where we incur immunity to one disease, we just become victim to another. you cant prevent death, since life is just a process of slowly dying. its funny though, these popular histories of "progress". reminds me of people saying "slavery was abolished", when more slaves exist today than ever did in history. nature is cruel and always has the last word.
>>2301520>if there was no "debt" (tax) inherent to society, then there would never be a need for a state. okay but then you are calling different things debt that are not the same.
>there is always need for a statelike how tribal rule is not a state
>this, cockshott criticises as "idealism"right because of the imagination part. he still says that humans raises his structure on paper which makes them unique.
you didn't answer the question about franklin. marx agrees that humans are unique because they use tools to manipulate their environment, and that tool use changes consciousness.
>like kant's critique of pure reason, we must see the ways in which freedom itself has its preconditions. Kant distinguishes between negative freedom, one man opposing another, and positive freedom as the capacity to act, in general. Hegel grounds this positive freedom in the development of the state, and Marx critiques Hegel for idealism for assuming the state is natural, but praises him for grounding capacity for action in the material world.
>>2301584>the lockean axiom is that we possess our own bodies.and Marx and Hegels critique of freedom also apply here. you only possess your own body insofar as you have a capacity to act towards your own will which is constrained by the material conditions and level of development of society.
>>2301977>where we incur immunity to one disease, we just become victim to another.You're retarded.
>>2301195First and only video I saw from him
>>2302250
>yes, there are different types of debt
right just like there are different types of money and different types of exchange. but we dont call barter capitalism
>>2303048
>who does that?
people who think capitalism is markets and trade and other human nature enjoyers
its similar to how duty, responsibility, obligation, commitments, promises, and vows are not the same thing as the practice of loaning money at interest
>>2302250
>In Orthodox Christianity, original sin refers to the "first" sin of Adam and Eve and the consequences it has on humanity. While all humans bear the consequences of this sin, Orthodox Christians believe they are not personally guilty of Adam and Eve's sin.
so like do you hate marx and communism because you are a protestant or what
>>2303099
why dont you like heglol then?
>Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done, On earth as it is in heaven.
isn't that what marx wants to do?
or is it that you change personalities with each edition of the thread?
>>2303132
>i feel like i have been largely consistent.
i mean you had a big problem with hegel using god to tie up his package
>yes, and no.
well he basically says hegel didn't go far enough and we actually have to ya know build the kingdom first. or did you mean that you like living in 'sin' and think what de sade describes is how it should be
>>2300318a lot of people mention his studies on the russian empire's economy
>>2301240This post seems like it was meant for
>>2300794 since it quotes some of the text from Dutt. Is that correct?
>>2301240>i dont think its correct to say scarcity is contrived in underdeveloped nations who have just gained independence for the first time, for example in china immediately following the revolution.But it is still contrived. Not by the peripheral governments themselves but by the imperialists. There's a reason the imperialists governments are willing to give endless "food aid" and IMF loans to the global south, but they never want to repeat the mistake of selling them means of production and encouraging their development, which is the mistake they made with Japan in the 19th century, USSR in the 20th Century, and PRC in the 21st century: To force development onto a peripheral nation so rapidly that they become an overnight competitor. The point of imperialism is to develop the periphery by exporting capital to them, but
not so fast that they outstrip the imperial core. Underdevelopment is relative, not absolute. The "underdeveloped" nations of today are more developed usually than the most imperialist countries of the mid 19th century, but less developed than the most imperialist nations of today. And the "underdeveloped" nations are rich in resources, but they are plundered by the imperialists. So in that sense also the scarcity is artificial. Sankara, Yanukovych, and Evo Morales had somewhat different politics and methods from one another, but they were all targeted over their refusal to accept IMF loans, which are infamous not just for their exorbitant rates of interest, but their demands for privatization, austerity, union busting, natural resource selloff, foreign direct investment, etc.
>>2303436
yeah everyone knows that but it's not like anyone has a real option other than to carry a bunch of dirty ass cash around that can easily be robbed off of them and to do all transactions in cash, which is increasingly considered impractical and undesired by business owners who insist on card transactions.
I know people who insist on doing everything in cash and it seems like a huge pain in the ass vs. direct deposit and use your debit card when you need to buy something. The real mistake people make with non-cash transactions is taking loans and using credit cards.
>>2303545
>well its not even a legal option, really. you need a bank account to transfer your income into. your boss will not be paying you with cash.
depends on the job. in my early 20s I had a job laying carpet and concrete with some tremendously racist rednecks and they paid me about 250/week under the table. This was only about 14 years ago. Of course most "respectable" jobs won't pay you this way, but you'd be suprised how many people are still paid this way, even in the "Developed" countries.
>>2303545
>well the credit system is baked into necessary functions, like mortgage loans.
most people pay rent and don't have a snowball's chance in hell at home ownership. Many default on their mortages. But yes. Not to contradict your point.
>>2303545
>no, not everyone knows that. people assume banks are storage facilities, rather than private businesses. people think they have access "their" accounts, when they are at the mercy of trustees. if they behave in a way against policy, their accounts may even be frozen and seized. its not their money.
While you are correct on this point, it's important to not confuse the legal reality of banking (what you describe) with what is actually practical and enforceable. The ruling class are still the bourgeoisie. To say that the bourgeoisie do not "own" their own liquid capital and that the banks control everything leads to petty bourgeois errors of the American Libertarian variety. It ignores that the banks are an instrument of bourgeois class solidarity and bourgeois class discipline, and that the proles who deposite their wages into banks are much more at the mercy of the banks than the literal billionaires who deposit their capital gains. A billionaire still effectively owns his own capital even if it's in a bank and his capital gains are not in much danger of being seized unless said billionaire tries to pull a Friedrich Engels and start funding communists.
>>2303099
>as a liberal
>[…]
>i am anti-capitalist.
But Black Dynamite, liberalism is the ideology of the bourgeoisie!
>>2303142
>can you refresh my memory?
you said that dialectics were invalid because hegel appeals to god like aristotles prime mover
>as a protestant
yeah okay i cant tell if this is facetious
>many marxists become catholics (and vice versa)
i think so too
>i believe in "grace" through faith
yes that is the biggest difference. protestants believe in faith alone as distinguished from salvation through works
most of the posts are gone but we do have this quote preserved from you
>you are just saying im infected with bourgeois ideology as if i have chosen to worship the wrong God. i do not argue from faith
"largely consistent"
>a man of God and the world
sounds dialectical
>>2303392yes
>>2303414>Not by the peripheral governments themselves but by the imperialists. >>2301209>internationally or…?i get what you are saying, but unless you are mean that imperialists should share their surplus, what i meant by "china after the revolution" is that there are places where they dont actually have the productive forces for even basic things like feeding people, even if that situation is contrived in so far as its a result of capitalist/imperialist decisions that preceded it. like its not just a matter of redistribution on a national basis that would overcome the contrivance. uneven development also happens within a nation on the rural-urban divide, and since underdevelopment is relative you can have a population increasing faster then the economic base necessary to support it. i just think the meaning of artificial in artificial scarcity is a bit more narrow, like if you have enough food to feed everyone but you burn the oranges in kerosene to decrease supply and increase prices. but i fully agree with the relative nature of the necessary level of development of productive forces being in comparison and for self defense against the leading imperialist powers.
>>2303758
>i am a bourgeois thinker, and wish to complete the bourgeois revolution. liberté. egalité. fraternité.
for you, how is this "anti-capitalist"?
>>2303833Thanks for replying, I understand better what you're getting at now, thanks.
>>2303758
>to complete the bourgeois revolution
so did marx lol. except he realized that liberté egalité fraternité are incompatible with private property, where liberals think true freedom is borne from it
>>2304164
>that doesnt seem to be coherent.
yeah i dont think your position is
>my critique of hegel's dialectical logic
okay but this makes sense from a formal logic perspective but ABC relates to eachother by relation to the whole, the absolute. so they are not relations of the same kind.
>you can think of it economically.
you can if you want i guess. im not here to defend catholicism. indulgences are pretty obviously bs and good works is meant as something more like hegels concept of freedom being aligning oneself with rational structures that embody collective freedom, which can be seen as utilization of the laws of nature according to human understanding and science, which is just a secular way to say "following gods plan"
>where is this quote from?
>>2212353
>>2304177
>i dont think marx was a liberal though, but a critic of liberalism
right i dont think hes a liberal either but i do think his critique is meant to fulfill the promises of liberalism
you also said that freedom is slavery so its interesting now that you say you are defending liberty and call yourself a liberal
>>my position then does not necessitate freedom, but only ethics. >>2203802
>what it might mean to you
hes saying that primitive accumulation is the socialization of production but doesn't go far enough because the products of labor remain private which leads to monopoly and stagnation by its own logic
>>23044114chan going down for a bit was a disaster. But regarding his point, it's actually not uncommon among the left.
I can't pull out the video where a guy is talking about this, but emancipations with Daniel tutt video was talking about this precise thing.
Basically that liberalism is incapable of providing the promises it makes, liberté etc. And that leftism is taking that promise on and trying to overcome liberalism to actually achieve it.
>>2304411>>2304435Actually on second thought, I have read nothing except the last 3 posts. Disregard what I said. Probably makes no sense. My apologies.
well yeah that guy is a neokeynesian or something that wants to use mmt to print money for ubi and pay privately owned ai a wage because capital can create value without human labor to make market-notcommunism-notanarchism-liberalism-but-notcapitalism who is also an kantian empiricist and newly converted protestant who thinks the state and communism are slavery and that value and debt and apparently markets are both human nature and transhistorical eternal laws of the universe but marxists are religious dogmatists who dont read dont understand philosophy or science because marx didn't actually make any contributions to humanity and just plagiarized adam smith but also also that communism is an affront to god that disrupts the natural order and always results in a gorillion dead because hegel was a mystical devil worshipper but also we should engage in sin because it feels good
you see its all very coherent and logical unlike marxism
>>2305229>means wellbecause what, he wants other people to buy american to escape the commies??
>>2305229also bro you don't need to post this in three threads
>>2305242it's not hurting you so comment on it or ignore it. don't make some annoying meta complaint
>>2304177
How can one be a "bourgeois thinker" and a "liberal" but at the same time anti-capitalist? Why would a "bourgeois thinker" oppose the system created by and operated for the benefit of the bourgeosie as a class? When in history has the ruling class destroyed deliberately their own system for being unfair?
>>2305260
>he doesn't deny it
>>2305256
>if A=B, and B=C, then A=C.
the relation between A B and C is not the same as the relation between A B C and the absolute, that is the between the parts and other parts and the parts and the whole.
>not in the least. marx describes primitive accumulation here
and also in the chapter you first linked, which describes exactly what I said
why did you even ask?
and tell us what it means to you
>What does the primitive accumulation of capital … resolve itself into?
>Private property, as the antithesis to social, collective property, exists only where the means of labour and the external conditions of labour belong to private individuals. But according as these private individuals are labourers or not labourers, private property has a different character. The private property of the labourer in his means of production is the foundation of petty industry … is an essential condition for the development of social production and of the free individuality of the labourer himself. Of course, this petty mode of production exists also under slavery, serfdom … This mode of production presupposes parcelling of the soil and scattering of the other means of production.
first he tells us that the character of private property depends on whether it is owned by individual producers or people who do not work
>'As it excludes the concentration of these means of production, so also it excludes cooperation, division of labour within each separate process of production, the control over, and the productive application of the forces of Nature by society, and the free development of the social productive powers. It is compatible only with a system of production, and a society, moving within narrow and more or less primitive bounds. At a certain stage of development, it brings forth the material agencies for its own dissolution.
now he describes how the property of individual producers brings about its own destruction because it lacks socialization
>Its annihilation, the transformation of the individualised and scattered means of production into socially concentrated ones, of the pigmy property of the many into the huge property of the few, the expropriation of the great mass of the people from the soil … Self-earned private property, that is based, so to say, on the fusing together of the isolated, independent labouring individual with the conditions of his labour, is supplanted by capitalistic private property
>this expropriation of many capitalists by few, develop, on an ever-extending scale, the cooperative form of the labour process, the conscious technical application of science, the methodical cultivation of the soil, the transformation of the instruments of labour into instruments of labour only usable in common, the economising of all means of production by their use as means of production of combined, socialised labour, the entanglement of all peoples in the net of the world market, and with this, the international character of the capitalistic regime.
and that destruction is what marx calls primitive accumulation of capital which socializes the means of production while privitizing the profits
>capitalist production begets, with the inexorability of a law of Nature, its own negation. It is the negation of negation. This does not re-establish private property for the producer, but gives him individual property based on the acquisition of the capitalist era: i.e., on cooperation and the possession in common of the land and of the means of production.
then he tells us that this creates an opportunity for communism.
>The transformation of scattered private property, arising from individual labour, into capitalist private property is, naturally, a process, incomparably more protracted, violent, and difficult, than the transformation of capitalistic private property, already practically resting on socialised production, into socialised property. In the former case, we had the expropriation of the mass of the people by a few usurpers; in the latter, we have the expropriation of a few usurpers by the mass of the people
and closes out saying it was really violent, but it will be easier for us because there are more workers than borg
>>2305269
>i prefer to let you live in fantasy.
you prefer not holding clear positions so you can change them whenever you get proven wrong
>if i make the simple arithmetic sum: 1+1=2
u a platonist too?
>>2305305
Its strange that you claim to be Christian and do not(or pretend not) to understand when Hegels says the Christian trinity is an mystical occluded representation of his dialectical method. Hegel was also (supposedly) a protestant after all. God the Father (Universal) particularizes in Christ (Particular) and becomes concrete through the Spirit (Individual) in the believer. Hegel stresses the physicality of Christ's incarnation against abstract spirituality, the "Word made flesh". The crucifixion especially shows God's immersion in material finitude. He resolves the apparent contradiction in the Trinity (three persons but one substance) through dialectics, difference preserved within unity. This is the same as the contradiction that I≠U. For Hegel, the Holy Spirit's work in the community completes God's self-realization. God actualized in the community of believers, the Universal returning to itself through the Particular. The Spirit is the living presence of God in the individual consciousness and the collective Church. The Father is not "God" in full actuality apart from the Son and Spirit. The Son (Christ) is the "truth" of the Father made manifest, without the Incarnation, God remains an empty abstraction. The Spirit is God’s return to self through human finitude, completing the syllogism. Christ’s death (particularity negated) is the pivotal moment, the death of God-in-finite-form sublates (aufheben) the separation between divine and human. Finitude ("I") is not annihilated but preserved and elevated into the life of the Spirit ("U"). The "gap" between God (U) and humanity (I) is mediated through Christ’s sacrifice (P). The gap between humanity and God is overcome within material history, not postponed to an afterlife. For Hegel the Trinity’s culmination in the Spirit requires the material community, this is not "idealism" in the subjective sense, it is God constituting himself through the finite, material world.
Its entirely possible if Hegel was more explicit, if he did not write the way he did, he could have been persecuted for athiesm, even fired from his post, the same way Spinoza was excommunicated. And of course Marx does exactly that, Hegelianizing Hegel, he also does not simply overcome him, but merely repeats at a higher level. The Church as a political institution is obvious in Catholicism, but hidden for Protestants, with the invention of the printing press and numerous "interpretations", yet Luther and Calvin were as dogmatic as Rome when challenged. For Orthodox Lutherans (and Catholics), Hegel’s claim that "God is God only insofar as He knows Himself" (through human consciousness/history) collapses transcendence into immanence. This erases the personal, sovereign God of Scripture, the core of "atheism" accusations against philosophers since Socrates. Luther even called reason "the Devil’s whore" when it challenged sola fide, and called for the execution of blasphemers and heretics. What binds these different interpretations together is belief by blind faith, as it is with yourself, rather than reason, as it is with dialectics.
>>2305305
>so to you, the "absolute" is the form of the syllogism itself?
That is what Hegel says.
>do these results owe their construction to a participation in the sum itself? no. here's why.
No, its because 1 and 2 are abstract symbols that dont have a concrete reality prior to or independent from humans using them to do math.
>mediated by what are called "functions" (+, ×, ÷, etc.)
Those are operators not functions.
>this is the hegelian "middle term" which relates variables to each other.
No its not, the "middle term" is the particular which is a concrete determination of a material thing that relates the individual to the universal.
>hegel's false construction is giving (pre)condition to the variables [I-P-U]
Its not a false construction, the terms of I-P-U are not predetermined because they do not exist outside their concrete determinations. Hegels syllogism isn't an abstract form but a description of material reality.
The Individual only becomes concretely individual through its particularization of the Universal. The Universal only becomes concrete through its instantiation in the Particular and Individual. The terms co-constitute each other within the syllogism. Hegel isn't saying the form magically creates pre-existing terms. He's saying Reality (the Absolute Idea) exists only as this process of self-mediation. The syllogism is the dynamic movement from one to the other and back again.
>the issue with this, is that it creates a contradiction
No, thats literally the entire point. The contradiction is essential. Things do not have static identities where I=U, things are determined by the process of overcoming the distinction between I and U as mediated through P. The contradiction I ≠ U is not a flaw but the engine that drives the dialectic forward. P is the necessary bridge because I and U are distinct within their unity. The distinction (I ≠ U) isn't erased, it's preserved within a higher unity achieved through the mediating activity (P).
The "Absolute as Syllogism" is this active process of mediation, not a state where I and U collapse into featureless sameness. The apparent separation is the moment of difference that demands mediation (P). This mediation isn't just a connection, it's the process by which I and U define each other.
The form (I-P-U) isn't the Absolute in isolation. The Absolute is the entire, self-enclosed system of syllogisms (Subjective, Objective, Idea) where every moment mediates every other. It is the self-mediating activity of the concept actualizing itself through its own determinations.
Exactly as has been repeated probably a hundred times you are making a category error conflating formal logic for dialectical logic. Abstract "forms" as in formal logic, are not real. They can be useful, as in math, but they do not represent reality as it actually is, merely an approximation.
You implicitly treat numbers (1, 2) and the operation (+) as pre-existing, self-subsistent entities participating in a relationship. This is idealism. Numbers are only real insofar as they stand in for real objects. There is no 1 existing prior to its participation in relations like + or =. Its identity is constituted through its mediation within the system of arithmetic/logic.
Hegels dialectic is not a formal logic that can be separated from its metaphysical/ontological claims. The "Absolute as syllogism" is the claim that reality is the self-mediating activity of the Concept (Geist/Idea). The form is the content. Hegel isn't mistakenly conflating form and content, he deliberately identifies them as the Absolute. His entire system aims to overcome the very dualism your critique relies upon (subject/object, form/content, universal/particular).
Hegels point is that the very notion of a "pre-given term" independent of relations is a contentless empty abstraction. True concreteness and reality lie only in the self-mediating whole (the Absolute as syllogistic system). The "sophistry" you identify is the radical core of his project, it is the rejection of independent substances in favor of relational processes as ontologically primary.
The Concept is not a disembodied, pre-existing Platonic form hovering above reality. It is the immanent, dynamic logic of reality itself, a logic that necessarily involves its own self-externalization and self-particularization in materiality.
The Universal (Concept/Idea) is not abstract, it achieves its concreteness, its actuality, only by embodying itself in the Particular and the Individual. Conversely, the Individual only has genuine, determinate reality as a particularization of the Universal. They are mutually constitutive moments. Hegel relentlessly criticizes abstract Universals and bare, isolated Individuals/Particulars. Truth and reality lie only in their mediated unity within the dialectical process. Nature is defined as the "Idea in its otherness". It is the realm of externality, space, time, matter, and mechanical/chemical/organic processes.
Nature is a necessary moment in the Idea's self-actualization. The Idea must externalize itself to become concrete. Spirit (including human consciousness and society) emerges from Nature as the "truth" of Nature, the Idea returning to itself.
Within this framework, Material Reality (Nature) is a derivative moment, a stage of self-alienation that the Idea (Geist/Spirit) must pass through and overcome (sublate, aufheben) to achieve its full concrete actuality. The ground and truth of the process is the self-realizing Idea/Spirit. Materiality is essential for this realization.
The "Absolute" is the entire process, including its material moment. You cannot meaningfully separate the "Idea" from its material actualization.
Hegel's analysis of Objective Spirit (law, morality, family, civil society, the state) and even parts of the Phenomenology (Lordship/Bondage, the "Spiritual Animal Kingdom," "Absolute Freedom and Terror") demonstrate that the Concept develops through concrete, materially embedded social and historical practices.
The mutual constitution of U-P-I happens in the real, material world. The "Universal" ("law," "value," "freedom") only gains concrete meaning through its particular instantiations in material institutions and individual actions.
Material reality isn't just a transient "otherness" for Spirit, it is the necessary, constitutive ground within which the dialectic unfolds. The Logic describes the form of this process, but its content and actuality are irreducibly material. The Idea depends on materiality for its concreteness. Hegel's systematic presentation (starting with Logic) is a methodological abstraction, not the ontological primacy of "pure thought."
Ignoring the irreducible necessity of the material moment (Nature, embodiment, labor, social practice) fundamentally misreads Hegel. You vulgarize his method into subjective idealism where he collapses into empty abstraction without this moment of externalization and concrete particularization.
The syllogism (I-P-U) isn't a static form imposed on reality. It is the dynamic process where the Universal (U) becomes actual only by determining itself as Particular (P) and realizing itself in Individuals (I), and where Individuals (I) achieve their true essence only by participating in and actualizing the Universal (U) through their Particular (P) existence, a process occurring in and through material reality. The "middle term" (P) is precisely the realm of concrete determination, including materiality.
The critique of the syllogism form creating an unresolved I ≠ U contradiction misses how the process of mediation (P) is the dynamic overcoming of this distinction within the concrete totality. Again, the "contradiction" is the engine, not a flaw. Any reading that detaches Hegel's dialectic from the concrete material world profoundly misrepresents him.
Youre critique in fact actually mirrors Hegel's own critique of contentless abstraction in syllogism that preceded him as an empty formalism with no relation to reality. Hegel views this form of critique as understanding (Verstand) the rigid, analytical mindset that sees only contradictions without grasping their resolution.
It is similar to Marx and Lenin's critique of vulgar mechanical materialism, or of naive empiricism or positivism in general. Hegel views understanding as a necessary stop on the path to true reason and scientific knowledge, but it falls short without grounding.
As usualy attempts to overcome Hegel in the end simply repeat him. All you have done is echo and highlight his own critique of Kant. Using fixed categories (like the syllogism form) as external frameworks imposed on a passive content, resulting in an unresolved duality (thing-in-itself vs. phenomenon).
He called this "the formalism of an empty schema of dead understanding". Exactly what Engels and Lenin verbalized as "static" "fixed" "unchanging" approach that is opposed to dialectics and therefore incapable of grasping true knowledge.
This priveldging of abstact identity over concrete unity in difference is yet another example of unfounded idealism. To truly understand dialectics is to know that neither moment in the passage from Individual to Universal is priveledged over the other, that knowledge always consists of relating both sides to eachother and to the whole.
The very positing of this contradiction is not the end of dialectics, but its beginning, it is the limit of crude empiricism that is the starting point to launch into a dialectical investigation to uncover the essence behind appearence, it is itself the Hegelian movement that opens up to its own overcoming. Thought encountering its own limit (the contradiction exposed by Verstand), recognizing that limit as inherent to its current form, and thereby transcending that form through a more concrete, dynamic, and materially grounded comprehension is exactly dialectics.
>>2299097>an economy without money is barter>>2301330>Would inter-tribal territorial claims and disputes within a broad culture of people who speak the same language and intermingle through marriage count as property relations?indigenous economics like the gift economy are interesting and possibly a model which we can use to develop non-alienating business activities.
Gift giving ethics really demonstrates how alienation leads to atomization How can you have solidarity with someone if you only care about buying consumer products in the marketplace from them, and can simply drop your relationship to them on a whim? Like neoliberals who "rationally" are dropping their LGBT pride flags because the 52%/48% democrat majority shifted to a 52% republiacn majority. Kamala Harris is not a friend to anyone, she would abandon transgender people the second the laws change, she isn't a friend to workers, she would even abandon her hot sister Maya if it was "prudent"!
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gift_economy>Malinowski's debate with the French anthropologist Marcel Mauss quickly established the complexity of "gift exchange" and introduced a series of technical terms such as reciprocity, inalienable possessions, and presentation to distinguish between the different forms of exchange.>According to anthropologists Maurice Bloch and Jonathan Parry, it is the unsettled relationship between market and non-market exchange that attracts the most attention. Some authors argue that gift economies build community, while markets harm community relationships.>Gift exchange is distinguished from other forms of exchange by a number of principles, such as the form of property rights governing the articles exchanged; whether gifting forms a distinct "sphere of exchange" that can be characterized as an "economic system"; and the character of the social relationship that the gift exchange establishes. Gift ideology in highly commercialized societies differs from the "prestations" typical of non-market societies. Gift economies also differ from related phenomena, such as common property regimes and the exchange of non-commodified labour. Communist economy is like the simplest shit ever.
The basic needs are produced via highly efficient, automated, giant factories. Shit like food, water, electricity, shelter etc.
Even in third world countries like Vietnam, all that shit is like 20 hours of labor per week per worker. In first world countries, its like 5 hours of labor.
So all the basic stuff is guanranteed. Then for additional stuff, people just take whatever is produced. And people produce for the joy and enjoyment of producing, becuase work is their life's prime want.
It's all so simple. I don't know why people find this complicated. All this retarded talk about AGI and economic calculation and shit. Wtf.
Communist society is 1000000% simpler than even feudalism or ancient India or whatever.
>>2309224
Capital, by Karl Marx
>>2309298
economics is a fallacious school of thought created by 19th century industrial ruling/merchant class in order to post-facto justify their own political actions as being "just"
>>2308648
What a shitty boring response. Its like you didn't even read the post you are responding to. Typical behavior dont know why I expected more.
>are you the same person who couldnt tell me the difference between "formal logic" and "dialectical" logic?
We went over this repeatedly last thread. You can read it again or google it if you are still confused.
>>Luther even called reason "the Devil’s whore" when it challenged sola fide
>he was right, but man must live in sin.
>>What binds these different interpretations together is belief by blind faith, as it is with yourself, rather than reason, as it is with dialectics.
>how do i argue from blind faith rather than reason?
This is meant as a joke right? Like the whole post? Where you repeatedly take statements in isolation when the relations that define them and answers to you rebuttals are right in front of you?
Why should I answer any question from you when you never answer anything of consequence from me. Get a blog if you want to talk to yourself.
>>2309529You just know a MIGA voter made this one
>>2309632>so there is in fact, no exclusion between formal logic and dialectical logic after all? They are different types of logic and have different uses and scope. Its really not difficult to understand. "not meant to replace" means that dialectical logic is not meant to be used instead of formal logic but in addition to it, not that they are the same or one is a replacement for the other. There are times when formal logic is appropriate and there are others where dialectical logic is.
>as i say, list what i failed to respond toWe have already played this game too. Just control+f for "?" and see all the ones you missed. I have even repeated them all in a line for you multiple times and you still pick and choose what to respond to based on how convenient it is for your argument, which is inconsistent anyway because you dont actually have a position and hop from one contrarian view to the other as it pleases you.
>>2305280>why did you even ask?>and tell us what it means to youhere is the most recent
sorry that your memory buffer only holds seven words at a time. cant even remember your own posts we have on record let alone the ones that are now deleted
>>2309214tiny north korea manages to provide a modest but decent standard of living for its citizens despite being sanctioned to all shit. now imagine what would be possible with the resources of the entire world
this means that all the atrocities that happen under capitalism are literally for nothing, all of it is just a waste, senseless destruction of life and resources for literally no reason. that's the monstrous nature of it
>>2309544>repeatedly take statements in isolation when the relations that define them and answers to you rebuttals are right in front of you?same trick you do with marx, pulling a chapter that is elaborated on 2 pages later pretending like you have some kind of gotcha
>>2202823as was said here, which ends with another question i remember you not answering
and here
>>2234775and here
>>2243926here
>>2202818here
>>2203784and
>>2235701its obviously deliberate
>>2309632>what i failed to respond to>>2309544>This is meant as a joke right? Like the whole post?this was also a question by the way. are you a protestant who upholds "sola fide" or do you believe in reason? isn't holding both beliefs a contradiction, which means there is a flaw in your logic? (those are also questions)
>>2309959
if you want people to engage in good faith you are going to have to actually participate in the conversation
>>2310690
i have not lacked any response, and therefore have responded to everything
>>2311437
why do you want to know? you clearly arent interested in corrections to your misunderstandings so theres no point. all of this has already been answered you are either incapable or doing it deliberately. we've long ago abandoned my own positions. ive just been correcting your distortions of marx and hegel.
those weren't even my posts or meant as questions for you to answer they are examples of multiple other people recognizing your game of taking things out of context, a behavior which your current line of questioning repeats. your questions have already been answered and you are either too dense to realize it or not looking because you dont want to know.
what is the "conversation"? indeed. enjoy your blog
>>2311481
>so you are literally too afraid
no i genuinely want to know your goal with all this but everytime i actually try to meet you half way you just start up your bullshit again like
>give one single example of me taking things out of context
you are responding to a post that tells you that there is a list of people accusing you of it, a list i compiled in about 2 minutes without extensive searching. your previous post is responding to a post explaining to you why 1+1 doesn't apply.
you completely ignore the explanation and just repeat the same thing. you ask for a list of questions you haven't answered then i ask you a question you do this childish mocking thing instead of answering the question. whats the point? you cant convince me to change my mind if you dont actually have a position other then being contrary to marx.
your questions are not even meant to understand my explanation of hegels position but to refute a strawman that has already been crucified and resurrected hundreds of times. the worst part is that you seem to truly not understand. its honestly disappointing because a lot of your own critique is deeply hegelian and could be interesting to discuss but you arent even capable of recognizing it despite apparently having read more than most of the board.
the part about kants ethics was originally a response to another one of your outbursts. seems thats how you think others should treat you. so everything i said is right. everything you said is wrong. ive only been transparent and honest and ive already answered all of your questions. too bad you are scared to confront the real dialectic
>Colonial extraction and unequal exchange have shaped two centuries of North-South inequality. The study draws on a new database http://wbop.world tracking global trade flows and the balance of payments (goods, services, income, and transfers) across 57 core territories (48 main countries + 9 residual regions) from 1800 to 2025.>Between 1800 and 1914, Europe built vast foreign wealth. This happened in spite of permanent trade deficits (driven by commodities), and thanks to large colonial transfers and capital income. Different rules of the game would have radically changed history.>Our counterfactual simulations show that without colonial transfers, Europe would have been a debtor — and South Asia or Latin America could have become global creditors.With fairer commodity prices, poorer countries would have had surpluses to invest in infrastructures, education & health.>If rich countries had absorbed the cost through reduced elite consumption, we could have reached near-complete productivity convergence between North and South by 2025.>Today, global productivity convergence is still a distant goal. We live in a world characterised by persistent and increasing power imbalances, where the rules of the game remain rigged against the Global South.>Yet inequality and uneven development are not inevitable. They are the result of political choices that can be reversed.>We urgently need structural reforms to the international system - e.g.:>🔹 better terms of exchange for developing countries;>🔹 a global clearing union (in the spirit of Keynes 1943);>🔹 an international reserve currency;>🔹 major reforms of the governance of IMF and other post-war institutions so as to give more voice to the global Southhttps://xcancel.com/PikettyWIL/status/1932073966060900623https://wid.world/news-article/unequal-exchange-and-north-south-relations/ >>2315602
>can someone explain
>*counterfactual with no supporting evidence*
higher productivity = richer
the us for example exports almost as much as china despite having 1/4th the working population
less narratives and more data
Michael.hudson is a crypto fascist ranting about (((financiers))) vs based productive industrialists
The fundamental thesis of third worldism is wrong. The wealth of advanced industrialized societies is primarily due to high labor productivity of those nations.
It's true that Western imperialism siphoned off massive amounts of wealth from their colonies. However that siphoned off wealth is still quite less than what countries actually produce by themselves through exploitation of homegrown labor.
It's also true that industrialization of 3rd world countries during direct colonization was deliberately hampered to prevent competition with 1st world.
But after decolonisation, most of the fault in lack of economic growth is due to the 3rd world govts themselves. A lot of them failed to develop strong, competent institutions. They were wracked with civil war or ethnic conflicts. There was/is lot of corruption, elite capture, incompetently managed dirigism etc.
It took a while for the bourgeoisie of these countries to get their shit together. And now we are kinda seeing a convergence of first world-third world incomes. It's a very long, arduous process. And I think the impatience and despair of people who thought the situation was hopeless led to ideological cope like Third-Worldism.
Now I'm not saying this as a Western imperialist shill. Western imperialism should still be fought by rejecting Western dominated institutions like IMF, strengthening up military power of 3rd world countries, forming local alliances etc.
But the 3rd world govts should not escape the blame game here, that's my main concern. A lot of them are still incredibly corrupt, extractive, comprador, oppress minorities/women etc, incompetent, bad at planning etc. Third Worldism shouldn't be a shield to uncritically defend the Third World ruling class.
>>2315747Brutal, third worldist on suicide watch after learning that they have their share of fault on fucking their own countries.
>>2315755
>their share of faultUnless the aforementioned Third-Worldists are in positions of power, no they can't be blamed
>>2315766What it meant is people from place that was before exploited got their chance and got into power and yet fuck their own chances too, usually many people will blame other countries for their problems but they almost never blame their own stupid cultural practice or their actual way they manage the country.
>>2315747I wanna add one more thing. The rapid industrialization of the 3rd world is historically progressive because it accelerates the contradictions of capitalism.
So for that reason, ironically, the """socialism""" paraded by some third world countries actually worked to stall historical progressive.
If India adopted standard capitalism instead of Nehruvian socialism back in the 1950s, they would have already been a serious capitalist competitor to the West and destabilized Western hegemony. Instead they wasted 40 years and started serious capitalism only in the 1990s.
It's a similar story in quite a few African, Middle East, South American and SEA countries. What is needed most right now is rapid industrialization of the 3rd world. Look at how China's industrialization is already causing chaos to Western economies. Not because of any active measures taken by the Chinese, but simply because capitalist competition and increase in OCC causes havoc to profit-rates a.k.a the very lifeblood of capitalism.
So since a communist revolution is unlikely in many 3rd world countries, the next best thing is to hope to have an actually competent capitalist govt that brings about 8%+ annual GDP growth to catch up to the 1st world.
>>2315747>It's also true that industrialization of 3rd world countries during direct colonization was deliberately hampered to prevent competition with 1st world.>after decolonisation> A lot of them are still incredibly corrupt, extractive, comprador, oppress minorities/women etc, incompetent, bad at planningdecolonization only happened on paper. thats
why a lot of them are corrupt, extractive, comprador
>>2315814Nehru was a social democrat, not a socialist or communist
This thread should be called proudhonism general
If you could recommend 5 modern books about economics, what would those books be?
>>2342787>muh rents>"""unearned income"""lol this is so blatantly a dogwhistle for jews
>>2343705
Does Hudson really suggest this? My impression for him is that unearned profit isn't profit received without corresponding productive labour but rather in absence of labour itself, that's why he advocates for taxing land and financial transactions and this also related to the hoarding value of money where people hoard forex to capitalize on exchange rate rather than releasing it to the economy. Ofc we can criticize this about how we differentiate absence of labour to non productive labour used to maintain complex social organizations (like if you're a street janitor)
>>2343705
im glad you agree :^)
>>2343757in other words the whole of your critique of marx is that value is moral, which is subjective, which as has been pointed out previously, a political choice, and the refusal to clarify or delineate between the two different uses playing word games.
>i sympathise with this view from an opposite end, of lockean homesteadingwhich is certainly no less delusional than being a modern ancap, and has never historically resulted in genocide or justified atrocities
>and so rights belong to responsible tenants insteadindeed you would
>For him the dialectic movement is the dogmatic distinction between good and bad. https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1847/poverty-philosophy/ch02.htmI repost this here because i had posted it on the previous dead general, sorry for repeating the question
I want to learn economics, but i know i can't learn about the real economy from mainstream economics. This is why I, an ignorant, humbly ask of you people, who are wiser, to provide me some kind of non-bourgeoise manual for the foundations, or some kind of bibliography, and I'll truly bless you in my heart, comrades, i am completely lost in this subject. Some general guidance is also okay. I appreciate the youtube videos, but i like more to read, I am more used to seriousrly learn by studying a book and everyone who really wants to learn eventually must turn to them anyways. I see the bibliograpy also, but i feel like im too stupid to get into smith, ricardo and marx directly, as if i needed some context, but maybe im wrong, is that the first things i should read?
Stay strong and thank you very much for the attention!!!
the austrian theory of value is based in marginal utility, or the rate of demand according to diminished returns. axiomatically, the exchange of commodities requires the computation of two values by two possessors of commodities. those who exchange commodities always exchange for something they value higher than what they currently possess, so the voluntary act of exchange self-evidently entails mutual benefit. this would be a praxeological foundation of a voluntarist ethics. the only opposition to this is to either imagine a lack of rational agency for economic actors, (such as we imagine children possess) or a hidden exploitation in exchange itself (which is impossible if we have rational agents). now, marxists speak of exploitation, but place it in production, not exchange. theoretically, there is no issue marxists should have with free markets therefore, since all they oppose is the freedom of profits, which act as "theft" of exploited labor. the marxist formula is that overwork is theft if the surplus value is privately held, but if it is publicly distributed, then its ethical. the ancoms seem to be right then that in effect, marxists want to just replace private companies with the state, so to induce a type of state capitalism (or state profits, like we see in china). the ethical foundations fall apart then since theft (overwork) is given its justification as long as the government steals from workers. the political divide seems based on this also. capitalists say taxes are theft while communists say profits are theft. so theft doesnt matter to communists, only the thief.
also, the labor theory of "value" seems to be more adequately described as a labor theory of production (which also seems outdated now that we have automation). the act of labor cannot give an item value in itself, as we see with mudpies (or how a bottle of wine raises in value each year). what gives items value is their marginal utility, or rate of demand. marx's idea is that you exchange items at equal values, but this is self-evidently absurd, since if the item you possessed (i.e. money) was of the same value as a car, you would just keep your money. exchange requires relative inequality therefore. you cannot give value to something valueless, so this seems to be either a theoretical error or a grammatical failure. labor has no place in the valuation of objects, so why cling to this?
"unlearning economics" literally admits that he has not truly read smith, ricardo, marx or marshall, yet he imagines himself an authority on economic theory 🤣
11:25 - 12:05
https://youtu.be/FhfDu4wOQXk>>2362865his video on value was such dogshit. especially the example he gives of set of speakers at a concert. just total misunderstanding of marx. i'm not surprised he's revealing that he didn't even read marx.
>>2362865>bro i just ctrl+f and don't read the remarks in their full context or understand that an argument is being developed over the course of hundreds of pagesbruh 💀
>>2362865What modern economist would bother to read old books when they have modern economics to read?
>>2362870his original sin is that he does not even discuss smith's infamous "paradox of value" (originally belonging to aristotle, in his comments on scarcity versus abundance, in the first book of his "rhetoric" - 1.7). this is important, since it prefigures marx's internal division of value, and is also the basis from which carl menger establishes the austrian school's notion of value. the paradox of value entails the difference between value in use and value in exchange. unlearning economics fails to pry open this antagonism, so just speaks about "value" plainly, even though it is a self-divided concept, immanent to its own idea (as it was even deduced in 350 B.C.). this is why he can freely say that an audio speaker produces "value", when what he should be saying is that it produces a value "in use". its this basic illiteracy which exposes him from the beginning, but he also openly and proudly admits it. so he begins falsely, by not even conceiving of "value" critically.
another grave error he makes is where says that "competitive market prices are equal to costs", which is entirely backwards. "competitive" market prices are determined by… competition! which is quantified by supply and demand. this is literally economics 101…
40:10 - 40:18
https://youtu.be/8Z2LCNAVfMw(market prices only aggregate to costs in longterm equilibrium, or what smith called their "natural price").
so like most breadtubers, he seems to entirely work with secondary sources, which is alien to any scholarly ethic. if i wanted to know what someone said, wouldnt i read them directly? "unlearning economics" indeed.
>>2362865he's literally just a social democrat
>>2343354what an absurd allegation against Trotsky's Godson, Michael Hudson, of all people
Is MMT serious?
>>2362710Austria "theory" is axiomatic, i.e. it's based on strong assumptions and unverifiable claims, while LTV is actually scientific
>so the voluntary act of exchange self-evidently entails mutual benefit>or a hidden exploitation in exchange itself (which is impossible if we have rational agents)Literally read first chapter of Das Kapital. It's not hard, it's like 10 pages at most
>since all they oppose is the freedom of profits, which act as "theft" of exploited labor.Idealistic nonsense. Practice shows us that this distribution of labor results in the worst possible outcomes, because capitalists pursue their capitalist class interests, which are opposite of interests of workers. We are here talking about the well-being of human race itself, even it's parasites because they depend on the workers, versus well-being of capitalist class only. We are literally staring down the barrel of WW3 due to America solving their economic problems the only way capitalists know how, and you still moan about "you called muh economic activity a theft"
>>2363374No, it's a failure. It came to be in a period of time of victory of reaction, and was based on the economic consensus of 1980-2000s. It's just a laughing stock of the economics by this point, because today it's either ad hoc American-style blatant interventionism and imperialism, or Chinese-style command(ed market) economy. MMT was tried briefly during COVID and after, but it turned out that money printing, and nothing else but money printing, doesn't solve economic problems, and MMT is just that - a theoretical foundation for only ever allowing the state to handle money supply
>>2362865> literally admits that he has not truly read smith, ricardo, marx or marshall, yet he imagines himself an authority on economic theory 🤣 Marxoids: "read theory!"
The Theory: (99% of it written by normal humans not these avatars of ideological valorism)
Sounds like you have a religious faith. If Jesus Christ returned and started washing the feet of homeless Palestinians, you'd be doing the same "Gotcha!" arguments
>>2363567except UE literally makes videos "debunking" thinkers he hasn't read. There's having religious faith in every word someone says, and then there's claiming to know why they're wrong without even having taken a real crack at understanding them.
>>2362710>axiomatically, the exchange of commodities requires the computation of two values by two possessors of commodities. those who exchange commodities always exchange for something they value higher than what they currently possess, so the voluntary act of exchange self-evidently entails mutual benefit. this would be a praxeological foundation of a voluntarist ethics. the only opposition to this is to either imagine a lack of rational agency for economic actors, (such as we imagine children possess) or a hidden exploitation in exchange itself (which is impossible if we have rational agents).Can a society be judged as just and rational solely on the basis of analyzing pairwise market interactions?
Imagine a world with two kinds of people, hole diggers and hole candidates. The hole diggers dig hole traps in the woods. Hole diggers share information where the holes are only with other hole diggers. Hole candidates have the opportunity to benefit from getting helped out of a hole trap after falling into one. If someone visits in time, that is.
Suppose you are hole candidate who is lucky, because you fall into a hole and after a small eternity you get a visit from a hole digger, me! I tell you that I can help you, but I want something in turn. You state your displeasure with the situation you are in and you seem to be angry at me for some reason. You are very close to starvation, and it is practically certain that nobody else will check the hole tomorrow or the day after tomorrow.
I tell you truthfully that I did not dig that particular hole. If I had never been born, you would have ended up at exactly the same spot you are in right now. I make you an offer and you are free to choose. How could that be unjust?
>>2363538>Austria "theory" is axiomatic, i.e. it's based on strong assumptions and unverifiable claimsan axiom provides a self-evidential clause, so it includes its proof within its very terms. decartes' i cogito ("i think therefore i am") is self-demonstrated for example. the axiom of rational self-possession is evident in its very terms, constituted by the act of exchange. to voluntarily exchange is to be a rational agent, which is why i say that the only proof against this would be to presuppose irrational agents, like animals, children or the mentally disabled.
>while LTV is actually scientificdo you have any evidence of its efficacy, or is this just another "strong assumption" with "unverifiable claims"? labor may have a value, but is in itself, not valuable.
>Literally read first chapter of Das Kapital.the first chapter says nothing about exploitation, and in the second chapter, exchange is defined as a mutually beneficial relationship where one party trades an exchange value for a use value. exchange to marx is free and equal, since as he even stipulates, the notion of rational self-possession must be presupposed. this is why to marx, exploitation occurs in the realm of production, not circulation. there is no exploitation in the employment contract, just in the length employed.
>We are here talking about the well-being of human race itselfyes, which is maximally achieved by the freedom of individuals. you are either on the side of freedom or slavery.
>>2363759>Can a society be judged as just and rational solely on the basis of analyzing pairwise market interactions?well, if exchange implies rationality and voluntary activity, then the more freedom in exchange we pursue, the more freedom for individuals we create. my guess is that most leftists think humans are inherently irrational, so want to regulate exchange. the issue of course is that irrational agents must therefore be regulated by irrational agents in government. are politicians better people than the average joe? not at all; thats why i would prefer a worker's state to any standard "liberal" democracy. the last thing communists want is a worker's state of course, since workers in themselves are generally anti-communist (which has clearly been a frustration from lenin's time to today's elitist wokeness).
>hypotheticalthe conclusion is that you are better off with the hole digger's offer than not, since you would die otherwise. the very opportunity signifies mutual benefit, rather than a one-sided deficit on each end.
>>2363759A Germanic cannot comprehend that "value" or "utility" is not a substance or essence in that sense. Every exchange of every thing, every article, is judged not for "imminent" utility but as part of a larger scheme of a party to the exchange for their own purpose. There is a world outside of exchange where the articles are utilized. So, it's not "axiomatic" that you are mindlessly seeking "more value" in any and all exchanges, assuming these exchanges are voluntary (which they usually are not). The actual purpose of exchange and all commercial activity is not for "value" itself as a substance, but for what value indicates, which is effects on a real world by the use of those articles. In other words, we seek objects of utility for definite ends, not for "general utility".
We might envision general utility as a concept that can be valued, without any particular objective in mind during purchase, but "praexology" is screaming Germanic faggotry and a gigantic bad faith argument.
All of this ignores what classical political economy described, where labor and the contract are themselves definite conditions that are not subject to any utilitarian value at all. In the utility theory, that situation where labor has to agree to the contract is irrelevant, since the aim openly stated is to crush workers and bring the cost of labor as close to zero as possible, such that it can be declared that labor is effectively free and available to the masters on demand.
>>2364171its interesting that you stipulate the condition of involuntary exchange as part of your argument, prefiguring the essential virtue of voluntarism as an end in itself. also, the utility of an item is not something separate from exchange, since when we purchase anything, its utility is implied in it. why would i purchase something if i didnt want it, for example? and a notion of "general utility" is difficult, since utility is a subjective category, which you are attempting to broaden into an objective phenomenon. lets take a popular example in public art; an art piece might cost millions (and therefore millions of imminent value points), yet its purpose is relatively useless, since it was involuntarily paid for. all government projects effectuate uselessness for this same reason, since they are spending other people's money, to put it most simply. if instead you redistributed millions as a tax return, the ends of exchange necessarily increase utility. so the point is, how can you effect a maximum general utility if it is acted by involuntary means?
>>2364200I don't think you understand. I'm not a utilitarian and I don't agree with the utilitarian take on value. I'm saying that even within the utilitarian understanding, assuming you can speak of general utility in the manner Jevons described it, this isn't about chasing after a substance that is stored or embodied in the objects as-is. The utility theory, the proper understanding of it, was a precursor to computerization, automation, and managerialism. At that point you're not really dealing with "capital" as such, as the priorities of the political system had changed. The objective stopped being to accumulate productive industry as your economic base to allow your country to be "wealthy". The wealth had been catalogued and the ruling clique was installed at the top. The aims of the ruling elite changed to emphasize the production of particular qualities, and ultimately the production and selection of particular types of people. The capital that remained was entirely servile to the new ruling program, whatever it would call itself. There is still capital in the sense that there is productive machinery and the imperatives of a market society for the lower classes, but the very rich do not need profit and have always been able to operate at a loss for extended periods, since the costs are borne by taking from the lower orders and taxing the shit out of the middle class. The rich voted themselves unlimited free money, which is where the Federal Reserve came from among other things. You would need unlimited free money to do all of the things a country in the 20th century would need to do to remain viable.
>>2363845>pic"Supply and demand" doesn't matter for what we are talking about. You acting like "value is created solely by supply and demand and nothing else" is correctly called not understanding theory
There is some exploitation in exchange of goods as well, but looking at it from society level - it all averages out, hence there is no need to bother with it. Exploitation comes from the realm of production, and therefore, since you are so butthurt about exploitation and don't want to admit to it, we don't talk about anything else until you submit
>muh labor not valuableLiterally read the fucking theory. Where does the value (in production) comes from if it all is voluntary exchange and there's no exploitation? Oh, riiiight, from the fantasy tale of supply and demand producing value through business acumen, lmao. Quantify the business acumen, please, in such a way that cannot be reduced to businessman buying labor cheap and selling produced goods high
>uuugh investments!!1Merely a ploy to monopolize the market, and early movers investing into future monopolistic profits. No evidence of business acumen producing value
>since as he even stipulates, the notion of rational self-possession must be presupposed."rational self-possession" is presupposed by labor and company laws. And we all know those don't work as intended ever in practice. Self-rational workers, if they all were self-rational, wouldn't work for in exploitative businesses and instead cooperate to seize the means of production, without letting capitalists exploit them. Hence, the self-rational move by capitalist is an obscene anti-communist, anti-worker propaganda and all kinds of false consciousness
>maximally achieved by the freedom of individualsWhich is crystallized in socialism, which maximally liberates the labor, as opposed to capitalism, which maximally liberates the capital - at the expense of labor. It's like modern schooling - instead of letting rural kids live and die in their shitholevilles, they are scouted and "uplifted" and brought over to cities with much better opportunities in life. Capitalism has stopped liberating labor a long time ago, and now, just like feudalism before, is obstructing progress in liberation of labor.
And we see it quite clearly in the example of China outproducing the whole Western world, socialist economy destroying the world capitalist one and subjugating it to socialism's interests. It is a well-known fact that an ordinary Chinese is better educated and is better educated than an ordinary American; this is practical example of liberation of labor, how Chinese open how many new small businesses now per year per capita?
So, to summarize. Value can be presented through many different formulas, and supply and demand approach isn't useful for the exploitation talk. Socialism gives more freedom, therefore better economic growth. Opposing socialism in favor of market/capitalism therefore is hypocritical for Austrian economists
>ah but if i conflate different meanings of value then marx is debunked. checkmate commies!
>>2363846>the conclusion is that you are better off with the hole digger's offer than not, since you would die otherwise. the very opportunity signifies mutual benefit, rather than a one-sided deficit on each end.Yeah but the society in that hypothetical is weird and unjust. I suppose that state of affairs did not come about by consensual exchanges and it doesn't look like it gets worse through consensual exchanges, but it doesn't look like it would go away through these consensual individual exchanges either.
>>2364171>A Germanic cannot comprehend>screaming Germanic faggotryYou ok bud?
>>2364447would you at least agree that an entrepeneur generally becomes wealthy because they provide useful goods and services? this ruling class youre describing is part of the state, which doesnt produce, it extracts.
>>2365428>Yeah but the society in that hypothetical is weird and unjusti agree
>it doesn't look like it would go away through these consensual individual exchanges either.but heres the controversy, who decides that their personal power trumps the will of everyone else?
>>2365399>"Supply and demand" doesn't matter for what we are talking about.we are talking about economic value, a market phenomenon, which abides by supply and demand. marx also agreed to these terms and saw demand as the precondition of value; the same as his predecessor ricardo.
>You acting like "value is created solely by supply and demandlabor "supplies" goods; consumers "demand" goods, no? its a binary relationship.
>There is some exploitation in exchangenot according to marx
>Exploitation comes from the realm of productionto marx, exploitation is simply the extraction of surplus labor, so is overwork - if an employer doesnt make profits he cannot exploit workers thus.
>Where does the value (in production) comes fromthere is no value in production, thats why if i make a million widgets no one wants, the labor i employ os valueless. commodities attain values in exchange.
>Self-rational workers, if they all were self-rational, wouldn't work for in exploitative businesses and instead cooperate to seize the means of productionso workers are irrational creatures, like the mentally disabled? very marxist of you.
>Which is crystallized in socialism, which maximally liberates the labor, as opposed to capitalism, which maximally liberates the capital - at the expense of labor>And we see it quite clearly in the example of China outproducing the whole Western world, socialist economy destroying the world capitalist onechina is a capitalist country… and you dont think the rates of production over there necessitate the exploitation of labor? but again, to you types, anything is permissible if it is the government doing it.
>Socialism gives more freedom, therefore better economic growth. is that why citizens of the USSR were starving? of socialism is so competitive, they would have won out over capitalism already. its self-evident.
>>2365689A capitalist creates a product. That's why his wealth is deployed as capital. If the "product" is some clever financial machine, it's still a product. An "entrepeneur" can sell insurance which is nothing more than a protection racket premised on never having to pay out, but the insurer is not dealing with productive capital and this racket can be conducted by any means, so long as the racket continues collecting.
That tends to be the problem of the ancap faggotry. They confuse the scheming for money and immediate unequal exchange for productive society, and have successfully removed all context for what made capital "capital" in the sense that was described in classical political economy. Marx partially describes such things as fictitious capital, where a dubious product doesn't produce things anyone actually wants but maintains the imperatives of capitalism. This doesn't work forever, because eventually it is apparent the only thing you're producing are your own chains, and the articles you would use in your life and doled out by the master as the master deems fit. That's where we are at now, where you are made to pay for your own "treatment" if you are punished.
I specifically used "ruling elite", "ruling clique", and "ruling program" in the above post rather than "ruling class", and was very particular about that verbiage, since political power is never actually held by a class as such. The ruling class of a republic are the shareholders and stakeholders like landlords, and at first there is no capitalist large enough to assume the full range of corporate powers they came to possess in the 20th century. After the world wars were initiated, I mentioned the Federal Reserve as the necessary instrument of the ruling power, it is not appropriate to speak of a "ruling class" in that fashion, unless the class were a remarkably small group of people who successfully separated themselves from the rest of the capitalists and producers. At that time, and the Federal Reserve granted those people an unlimited line of money which allowed them to do new and interesting things, the new ruling power had no interest in imperatives like the profit motive or a need to accumulate. The prevailing capitalists, who were necessary for building the new state of the 20th century, jumped immediately on what they needed to do to lock down the world, or at least the parts of the world they controlled. It is around this time that the theories of history, the understanding that was once freely described in writing, were not allowed to continue, and a very violent program to edit reality would be imposed. That violent program was initiated in the late 19th century, which is where so much of the reactionary philosophy came from, to test the extremes of what can be introduced into the subjects and their actions. But, the whole program, just why it came to this, is much more complicated, and so far as I know, no writer has ever attempted to reconstruct a proper history of what this turned into, up to the early 21st century. If you are tracing history, it's like the 21st century fell off the edge of the world and is a wholly inadmissible topic. We are only allowed to relitigate 1914 until we "accept" what Eugenics did to the world. It's insidious.
>>2365730>A capitalist creates a product>An "entrepeneur" can sell insurance which is nothing more than a protection racketperhaps you are confused as to the meaning of entrepeneurship. entrepeneurs are capitalists, but not all capitalists may be entrepeneurs. and a capitalist does not directly "produce" anything, but only employs (or invests) his capital toward productive ends. capital only has a claim to production once we get into the most sophisticated machines, but even then, their productive capacity can be categorised as a type of labor rather than capital, in the strict sense. this is why capital and labor co-define each other's imput in the economy, since one makes the other productive.
>They confuse the scheming for money and immediate unequal exchange for productive societywhat is "unequal exchange"?
>Marx partially describes such things as fictitious capital, where a dubious product doesn't produce things anyone actually wants but maintains the imperatives of capitalismany examples?
>political power is never actually held by a class as suchi disagree. politicians form their own class and others may leverage their power, such as crony capitalists or worker's unions. none have direct power of the state, so the state fundamentally represents itself.
>it is not appropriate to speak of a "ruling class" in that fashion, unless the class were a remarkably small group of people who successfully separated themselves from the rest of the capitalists and producers.why not call them monopolists?
>>2365689So, you just demonstrated that you don't argue in good faith.
>we are talking about economic value, a market phenomenon, which abides by supply and demand.In that context, 1) supply and demand don't matter because THEIR VALUE IS EQUAL 2) therefore, profit comes from labor exploitation
>its a binary relationship.It's a being brainlet issue for people like you. You don't understand the idea of point of reference
>not according to marxMarx was just ignoring obvious petty crimes and such because those aren't the cardinal sin of market economics. It's mistaking forest for the trees, so to say
>if i make a million widgets no one wants, the labor i employ os valueless. commodities attain values in exchange.Well then, good luck producing valueless commodities without employing labor, lmao
Point of reference issue. You are a brainlet
>so workers are irrational creatures, like the mentally disabled? very marxist of you.What, are you going to pretend that capitalists are irrational creatures who won't be trying to divide and conquer the masses? How anarcho-CAPITALIST of you!
>china is a capitalist country… That's the last cope of the capitalist-brained fools. China MUST BE capitalist, despite all the evidence to the contrary, because how else would you explain China destroying our theoretical inquiries?!?!?!!
China is at the forefront of progress, as a socialist nation should be. For example, China was the trailblazer in regards to crypto utilization for forcing people to invest into the economy instead of investing into property - remember all those timed money benefits experiments? Those didn't work out anywhere, China included, but fact is a fact. China, having a large and prosperous working class, sought to make them self-employed businessmen in the productive sector - direct ownership of means of production, lmao.
This kind of thing is haram under developed industrially capitalism, because this reduces the supply of labor for porky employers. Where China was tasking local governments with literally creating infrastructure for farmers and small scale producers, finding them, funding them, helping them on their feet, integrating them into the economy, capitalist policies of the same kind focus instead on lining their and their cronies' pockets
>is that why citizens of the USSR were starving?Pffft ahahahaha. Again with this lie? You know that Holodomor didn't happen, right? As in, a straight up fake event, imagined by German propaganda (it was initially timed to 1930-1931, even, if somebody bothers finding the roots to it)
>>2365752>1) supply and demand don't matter because THEIR VALUE IS EQUALperhaps you dont quite understand how market prices work, but when you get inequality in demand for supplied products, you get prices which go either above or below their production costs, so in a market, we always assume disequilibrium.
>2) therefore, profit comes from labor exploitation"and" therefore? how does your previous statement imply the next?
>Well then, good luck producing valueless commodities without employing labor, lmaolets rephrase things. if i employ workers to produce a million widgets that nobody wants, the labor employed in production is valueless. therefore, value is not created in production, but in exchange.
>China MUST BE capitalist, despite all the evidence to the contrarydo capitalist societies have private firms, markets, profits, wage labor, divisions of labor and commodity production? yes. or is socialism just when the government does stuff?
>China, having a large and prosperous working class, sought to make them self-employed businessmen in the productive sector - direct ownership of means of production, lmao. ah, this is fascinating. so you agree that the working class should strive for middle class lifestyles rather than government dependence? the soviet idea of "proletarianization" is self-enslaving?
>Where China was tasking local governments with literally creating infrastructure for farmers and small scale producers, finding them, funding them, helping them on their feet, integrating them into the economy, capitalist policies of the same kind focus instead on lining their and their cronies' pockets i agree, china is literally more capitalist than the west. thats why it is excelling while the west is declining. as i said earlier, a worker's state would be preferable to a liberal democracy.
>>2365761>but when you get inequality in demand for supplied products, you get prices which go either above or below their production costsYawn. You are either stupid or are intentionally refusing to understand.
Point. Of. Reference. It's not either-either, it's both. But since supply always equals demand in value, there's no point talking about equilibriums-shmuckvilibriums, only unpaid labor matters.
Oh wow, my whole economic theory is based on porkies smartly adjusting prices so that most desperate customers pay more - from wages they received when their company was selling to someone similarly desperate. Hilarious shit
>do capitalist societies have private firms, markets, profits, wage labor, divisions of labor and commodity production?>so you agree that the working class should strive for middle class lifestyles Uh-huh, so, what do you think? China is a capitalist paradise you approve of?
>>2365761Oh, right, sorry
>>2365775>china is literally more capitalist than the west. thats why it is excelling while the west is decliningExplanation for why "more capitalist" China has SOEs taking up 67% of GDP and even more of real productive economy? It's also plenty efficient, judging by how it employs less people than private enterprise in China.
And what about China letting Evergrande sink? They invested into the property market, afterall. Why did China destroy capitalist value so brazenly?
And what about 5-Year Plans treated as laws? I mean, they jail "capitalists" in SOEs if they fail government plans! This doesn't smell market-y to me, dunno about you though
>>2365775>You are either stupid or are intentionally refusing to understand. i am explaining basic economics to you. this shouldnt be difficult. a price on the market depends on a relationship of supply to demand. marx himself admits to this fact, since it is a self-evident reality.
>only unpaid labor matters.all labor is paid for by the wage, no?
>so that most desperate customers pay morethe most expensive items on the market are luxuries, not necessities.
>China is a capitalist paradise you approve of?its not a paradise, but it is rising while the west is falling - this is because the west has become a sort of feudal power which outsources labor and eats up its existing resources, while drawing most revenues from monopoly rents and the like. if we got rid of intellectual property for example, so many sectors would crumble.
>>2365788> I mean, they jail "capitalists" in SOEs if they fail government plans!we have regulations in the west as well
>>2365793>a price on the market depends on a relationship of supply to demand. marx himself admits to this fact, since it is a self-evident reality.And whole of this price consists of labor. Duh.
Come on, you should be able to understand it. So many people had, after all
>the most expensive items on the market are luxuries, not necessities.Are you arguing against marginal utility now?
>this is because the west has become a sort of feudal power which outsources labor and eats up its existing resourcesFeudal? Really now?
>we have regulations in the west as wellRegulations written by the capitalists for capitalists. Democracy under capitalism is a commonwealth for the wealthy, however many lower class voters there are. In comparison, democracy under socialism is a commonwealth for the working class, and therefore regulation laws are aimed not at enriching the already rich (what you hilariously call feudalism) but rather at developing the country and improving wages
That's NOT capitalism. Capitalist democracy CANNOT go against the interests of it's stakeholders
>b-but regulationsWow, capitalists have contradictions, and they murder, backstab, eat up each other?!?!?! And therefore need rules of conduct to make sure mutually assured destruction doesn't happen????? Cannot be!!!1
Again, China's SOEs are LITERALLY SOEs, not fake "government owns a golden share" state companies. SOEs literally have to follow the will of the local government and 5-Year Plans, like some kind of a municipal company or a hospital. How is this capitalist?
>>2365802>And whole of this price consists of labor.no, since with a demand/supply disequilibrium, you are always either paying over/under the production costs. t
>Are you arguing against marginal utility now?well, this is where utility theories can differ. some imagine that utility can be quantified, so production costs confer an accumulated utility to the final product (justifying high costs), but this is contradictory since an accumulated utility in itself begs demand, so its akin to the marxist error of imagining an inert value in the products of labor. others say that what makes luxuries expensive then is merely a function of their scarcity, but scarcity in itself is not valuable either. so the ambiguity about this is that more money entails a greater claim to marginal demand in a market, such that it can be afforded. the marginality of utility is thus proportional to one's purchasing power. keynesians might well accept this and say that we need redistribution to increase general utility (or "aggregrage demand"), which is at least a fair conclusion; at least against monopolists. you might say that extreme income inequality creates a dichotomy between marginal and general utility.
>Feudal?yes. the ruling class is extractive, not productive.
>Regulations written by the capitalists for capitalists.so you agree that certain regulations like marginal income tax are instituted by monopolists to erase the middle class?
>china is not capitalistso what is the essential difference to you?
>>2365745The literal definition of "capital" is wealth deployed in production. That's why a "capitalist" can be anything relevant, rather than being just another guy with a large hoard of gold. I didn't think I had to explain this to you, but apparently I do.
If you stamp around like a retard and insist people must respect your shinies, no one has any reason to regard that simply because you say so. That's why I had to say my bit about Germanic retardation, because that's the entire war strategy their ideology tells them to keep doing, because that's what German feudal rats did to start bullshit wars to cull their own population, with their favorite enemy in war being other Germans. I am so over this idea that we have to "respect" any part of that. Germans should be crushed under a boot, and if that means the Empire wins, so be it.
Anyway with that said, it's interesting that "entrepeneur" marketing faggotry is being promoted. What did the Soviet Union call their state-managed firms? Enterprises. This was mostly an invention from Khrushchev on, but the USSR's arrangement was understood at the time to be a state capitalist formation. The Party asserted command over capitalist activity and said explicitly "we are not producing for profit or shareholders", but workers were disciplined and their effectiveness judged by how competitive they were in the Soviet internal market and in Soviet trade with the rest of the world. I thought it's interesting because this "entrepeneur" line has been going around for a while and its origins were in Marxist-Leninist rebranding, specifically during the 1980s where the Party openly abandoned communism and the people were left holding the bag. If you listen to Party politicians in the 1980s, they sounded like Reaganites, and the people were aghast at what was being done to them but couldn't really do anything. So much of what has happened since has been playing what they did with Gorbachev on repeat, believing "this always works". The same people who cannibalized the USSR, some of them the exact same people just 30 years later, are cannibalizing the US.
>>2365824>no, since with a demand/supply disequilibrium, you are always either paying over/under the production costsWhole of this consists of labor. You were sooooo trigger happy to invoke Marx, how he le admitted to supply and demand, but now, when you get explained to you how it works, get all pissy and in denial
If you really want to, you can consider supply-demand as the upper limit on value, and labor as the actual value. Again, exchange happens between equal values, regardless of utility-shmutility
>muh utility spielIt means that your theory is shit because it doesn't fit into reality
>ruling class is extractive, not productive.Riiiight. More examples of redefining words to mean stuff it didn't mean before
It's not "feudal", then, it's rentier. Feudalism was productive back in the day, too, especially when compared to slavery
>certain regulations like marginal income tax are instituted by monopolists to erase the middle class?That's a non-sequitur, but yeah, Hitler, for example, for his capitalists, straight up instituted a dissolution of enterprises below a threshold, because capitalists were experiencing labor shortages. In regards to USA, though, what you have is not some malicious plot but rather the rest of the world catching up and eviscerating US economic advantages, such as usurping all the banking-managerial jobs (barbarians had to use American services) or heavy industrial jobs (when Americans had technological advantage). Without those, service ecomony at home gets really low wage
>so what is the essential difference to you?Ruling class. Classes have different interests, and working class is more progressive than capitalist class. In bourgeois economist terms, it means that a socialist state has better, more sustainable economic growth
Again, you are ignoring Chinese SOEs and 5-Year Plans. It is really reminiscent of how fascoids were collectively pretending that Nazis' 4-Year Plan, built not on the SOEs but on subcontracting state tasks to big bourgeois boys, wasn't a failure, and was better than Soviet 5-Year Plan.
>>2365860>you can consider supply-demand as the upper limit on value, and labor as the actual value.actual value to whom? value is subjective
>Again, exchange happens between equal valuesno, exchange necessarily occurs between unequal values. marx makes a similar point; that exchange entails the trade of a use value for an exchange value.
>it doesn't fit into realityif i have more money, i can buy things with a greater marginal utility. its a self-evident truism.
>It's not "feudal", then, it's rentier.whats the difference?
>That's a non-sequitur, but yeahokay, so we're agreed. the real class struggle is the people vs the monopolist state.
>working class is more progressive than capitalist classwhat does that mean? as far as i can see, the current rulers are totalitarian, while workers are more liberal in their sentiments.
>In bourgeois economist terms, it means that a socialist state has better, more sustainable economic growtha worker's state is an anti-communist state, as i have explained. thats why intellectuals always try and manipulate the masses into conforming to their dogma. thats why the left have largely abandoned the working class in search for new revolutionary subjects
>>2365880>actual value to whom? value is subjective????????????????????????????????????
"A pair of boots = 10 loaves of bread" kind of value. It's actual value instead of word salad nonsense
Sorry not sorry, but i'm done with this. You are too dumb and opinionated, lol
>>2366049>"A pair of boots = 10 loaves of bread" kind of valueyou mean its price, or exchange value? marx's fully developed value form is also just a monetary relation, so you should be expressing value likewise: "$1 = x,y,z". even to marx however, value is not just how much SNLT goes into an object, but the abstract labor realized in exchange between commodities, where use value and exchange value unify with each other (in the act of commodity exchange itself). so to marx, value depends upon demand, and without this, SNLT is annihilated:
>Lastly nothing can have value, without being an object of utility. If the thing is useless, so is the labour contained in it; the labour does not count as labour, and therefore creates no value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmthis makes more sense in practical terms when we remember that to marx, trade entails the transfer of exchange values for use values. marx is not far from the austrian perspective here, then. relatedly, hoppe even praises marx's historical materialism as "essentially correct" in this 1988 lecture:
>Dr. Hoppe sees some “intellectual affinities” between Austrianism and Marxism, in the way that each identifies exploitation among a ruling class. Of course, for Austrians, we identify that it is the state — not the bourgeois — that is the threat to the masses.https://mises.org/podcasts/human-action-podcast/hans-hermann-hoppe-what-marx-gets-right>It's actual value instead of word salad nonsensethe only nonsense is presuming that economic value exists outside of exchange. the only difference between a valuable and non-valuable commodity is its rate of demand according from its utility. therefore, a thing's value is its utility. you cannot quantify utility however, so what sets the price? supply and demand.
woah has it been three weeks already?
>>2365745> capital only has a claim to production once we get into the most sophisticated machines, but even then, their productive capacity can be categorised as a type of labor rather than capital, in the strict senseownership of means of production is not a form of labor. if you mean labor of superintendence of task delegation, that does not require ownership of stock or exorbitant pay to perform.
smithanon here. i just wanted to share some further classicism in marx, which you might find interesting:
marx speaks of an idea of "productive consumption" in the grundrisse (1857-58), whereby the syllogism of production is realised in its concept by the determinate negation of value's self-becoming. i just peeped james mill's "elements of political economy" (1821) and he seems to have originally described the idea, in more responsible language. in his own words:
<"productive consumption is itself a means; it is a means to production […] if one thing is destroyed, another is by that means produced." [elements, ch. 4, sct. 1]
we may compare this to marx's own writing:
<"Production as directly identical with consumption, and consumption as directly coincident with production, is termed by them productive consumption. This identity of production and consumption amounts to Spinoza’s thesis: determinatio est negatio" [grundrisse, introduction]
this completes the syllogism of production to marx:
<"production, distribution, exchange and consumption form a regular syllogism; production is the generality [universal], distribution and exchange the particularity, and consumption the singularity in which the whole is joined together." [grundrisse, introduction]
because the universal is able to connect to the singular by the mediated particular. this further relates to mill, for mill also discusses "unproductive consumption" (whereby consumption becomes an end in-itself), and so marx sees how unproductive consumption links to unproductive labour within its own notional chain of economic activity; extending adam smith's distinction between the two categories of labour (and thus of value), within the domain of spirit. this manner of analysis by marx also makes sense for why in capital vol. 1, he begins with the single commodity, to eventually rise into the generality of social production.
<"The truth is the whole. The whole, however, is merely the essential nature reaching its completeness through the process of its own development. Of the Absolute it must be said that it is essentially a result, that only at the end is it what it is in very truth; and just in that consists its nature, which is to be actual, subject, or self-becoming" [phenomenology, §20]
a criticism of sir james steuart, by a simultaneous critique of the critique of political economy:
it appears that sir james steuart in his "principles of political economy" (1767) hits upon the distinction between value in use and value in exchange 9 years before adam smith, but as yet, deals with the matter uncritically, for he associates the rate of usefulness correlatively, rather than inverse, to the cost of the product:
<"The use of a thing, in political economy, means its capacity to satisfy a desire, or serve a purpose. Diamonds have this capacity in a high degree, and, unless they had it, would not bear any price." [principles, ch. 3, §1]
he affirms this by citing the contradiction of a thing's cost exceeding its utility:
<"The exchange value of a thing may fall short, to any amount, of its value in use; but that it can ever exceed the value in use implies a contradiction; it supposes that persons will give, to possess a thing, more than the utmost value which they themselves put upon it, as a means of gratifying their inclinations." [principles, ch. 3, §1]
here, james steuart does not quite grasp the counterintuitive logic of economic exchange, and so in effect, reproduces aristotle's same error, in his own division of value, between its utility and its cost:
<"what is rare is a greater good than what is plentiful. Thus gold is a better thing than iron, though less useful: it is harder to get, and therefore more worth getting. In another way, the plentiful is a better thing than the rare, because we can make more use of it. For what is often useful surpasses what is seldom useful, whence the saying The best of things is water." [aristotle - rhetoric, 1.7]
what is at least immanent to aristotle's perspective however, is his view of contradiction immanent to the terms employed. he also identifies the source of gold's value in this manner:
<"it is harder to get, and therefore more worth getting."
so aristotle at least sees that gold is useless in proportion to its cost, which is a result of its labour to extract. steuart and smith use the example of the diamond, while ricardo reverts back to the gold:
<"Water and air are abundantly useful; they are indeed indispensable to existence, yet, under ordinary circumstances, nothing can be obtained in exchange for them. Gold, on the contrary, though of little use compared with air or water, will exchange for a great quantity of other goods." [principles, ch. 1]
steuart then regresses from aristotle's original position, by assuming a utility which necessarily supersedes costs. this same failure is reproduced by the austrian school later on. the first lesson of political economy then, is to view the inherent deficit in its dynamics, which ultimately relate to the centring of debt in society. we are alienated (mediated) by the abstract parasite of economic value. i would say that a utopian thinker imagines that we can overcome this, while a realistic thinker strives to conceive of its necessity. we are sacrificial animals, accumulating dead labour. the only question then concerns the subjectivity of the form of value, not its termination. as amadeo bordiga cites, for example:
<"If under the guise of the squalid Catholic saints the most ancient form of a not-inhuman divinity, like the Sun, continues to live, this brings to mind what knowledge we have — all too often a travesty! — of the Incan civilization that Marx admired. It is not that they were primitive and ferocious enough to sacrifice the most beautiful specimens of their young to the Sun who cried out for human blood, but that such a community, magnificent and powerfully intuitive, recognised the flow of life in that same energy which the Sun radiates on the planet and which flows through the arteries of a living man, and which becomes unity and love in the whole species, which, until it falls into the superstition of an individual soul with its sanctimonious balance sheet of give and take, the superstructure of monetary venality, does not fear death and knows personal death as nothing other than a hymn of joy and a fecund contribution to the life of humanity." [In Janitzio Death is not Scary, 1961]
capital then, is just another god, and in the future, we will have new gods to worship. culture is a construct of value, and value is the logic of history.
anyone here has some bibliography on ancient economy? anything goes for me, from bronze age to late roman empire, as long as it is in the eurasian region, especially regarding the hegemonic empires (persian, hellenistic, roman, egyptian, even in the indian subcontinent or china).
I can't seem to find any recent material that is not based on bourgeois economics, and the typical ancient history textbooks are not rigorous enough in socioeconomic matters (i.e. they don't have a marxist lens so to say).
>>2376029Cockshott's
How the World Works is a good historical overview that should have a chapter on it
Any good MODERN book about political economy, writing in this century and not on the XIX or XX?
>>237620121st century is utterly barren of any and all intellectual content. Nothing is allowed to be written except recapitulations of the same ruinous ideas that brought us to this sad situation. Political economy has been pretty thoroughly gutted.
There are books in the current century that refer to political economy and history, and they are surprisingly competent. So far as I know though, there is nowhere a serious re-evaluation of political economy or economics, and no such book is likely coming any time soon. The dominant ideas of the current century are not economic ones, and the political ideas that are permitted are entirely invested in management rather than what political knowledge was throughout history. Political thought has been steadily eroded to the point where we are back to the most base political expressions as the only expressions of "politics" as such. This is in part because at the highest level, politics is a solved game and settled law. There is one Empire, nothing against it in the whole world, and not any serious suggestion that it could or should be any different. The only book on the topic I could conceive of is a book that affirms what is effectively the final state of human society, or at least its final state barring some unanswerable weapon that makes the present society and its pretenses entirely intolerable to allow any further. Since the current ruling ideas seek this unanswerable weapon and believe they can predict the outcome of any and all conflicts, there is an unspoken rule that if the most effective unanswerable weapon were discovered, it must never be built or even used as an overt threat, since it would make clear the folly of continuing this arrangement and thus the interests of those who hold power. The only way such a weapon could be released to public knowledge and circulation is if the rulers are suicidal and intend to end humanity for good, and they believe they will deploy such a weapon towards that end only. Once circulated, there would be nothing in history and human society that could prevent the weapon's deployment, and it would not be possible to use the weapon in a limited manner as a "warning" or "event" to terrorize humanity into further submission. The game would be revealed immediately and no more pretenses could be maintained.
If there is a serious book about ANYTHING in this time, it is not written for public consumption. The public, the people, will only be lied to. Open contempt for the public is so ingrained in the intellectuals that I never hear any one of them seriously consider any other attitude, or even acknowledge what was done to us. We all know what was done to us, what will continue to be done to us, and that there is no going back from a decision made around 1970. Never. So, I do not expect any publicly distributed literature to be up to the task, even if someone worked entirely outside of the intellectual class and published the writing for free.
Even the books that do refer to reality and genuine politics are written to advance an angle and the careers of those who write them, so they build up a reputation as a guru or talking head. Take Michael Hudson. He's a serious political economist of the old type, and no one can seriously fault his findings, but he has an angle and has to maintain that angle, and he's never going to bite the hands that feed him.
>>2376029A problem with this request is that historians and those who ask the question really don't know how the Romans did things, because the Romans never left behind a readily identifiable text concerning economics or market activity as the central topic. Assumptions are made about the political writings of the ancients and commentaries on them by Romans, but they assumed the interests and biases of the aristocracy, all of whom disdained commerce and delegated mercantile activity to subordinates. There was a class of merchants and financial interests, a profession of bankers and companies that handled tax collection and various commercial and financial functions, but what they exactly did isn't known… only that in the Roman system there was a name for the professions dealing with certain financial transactions, like the argentarii, and the fortunes of especially rich houses would extend lines of credit and had ambitions like Crassus did. In all of the ways that matter, Romans had money, saw economic activity primarily as the activity of coin or things that could be turned into coin, and understood some things about a price-setting market that estates sold to. Nowhere does "capital" as we understand it today exist, because there wasn't a condition where the capitalist could aspire to be anything or succeed. If a Roman wanted to get rich and turn wealth into power, he wanted to extract rent and clear out the failed, and make other free men into his clients. Rome being what it was, there was no path from wealth to power before running into the unbeatable fortunes and armies of the Emperor and those in the Emperor's favor. So, if any merchant got too big and didn't play ball, he was liquidated in short order. After the Caesars took over, there was never a serious attempt to restore the republican power-sharing and a certain disgust at the mention of the republic. The republic led to the system of monopoly and the Caesars by its own presumptions and actions, so why would the prime contributor to the problem be the solution?
What happened in modern times to create the "capitalist", the inventor of technology and that which led to the dominance of technology that never existed before then, was a singular event particularly to a stage of history where technology could claim something that no technology could. In the past, whatever the condition of technology, it made remarkably little difference for succeeding in battle, and new technology rarely favored more productivity, nor was productivity a goal the Romans cared about.
This often gets reduced to a claim that Romans had no notion of "economics" or didn't know how money worked, or that their economy is "slave society" and there were no free workers or concept of such, both of which are thoroughly modern conceits that serve modern bigotries. For one, humanity never did abandon slavery in principle, and as the theory of "slave society" goes around, the African slave trade is still going and becomes a great contentious issue in the Americas, and there are certain people who love to naturalize slavery for various reasons, or justify slavery as an absolute rule of history and an "economic necessity", which it never was. Slaves are always external to the society that enslaves them, and every slave system expected the slaves to be wholly expendable, their product largely irrelevant and in any event the slave labor substitutes for things that would otherwise be done by free labor or some form of peonage. The states of history usually could mobilize whatever labor-power they could attain, but usually had no pressing "work" to be done. The states of history were primarily concerned with the stability of the ruling order rather than an abstract notion of making society efficient, and they were willing to abandon efficiencies so that the familiar ordering of society would remain in place. Only when technology made a much more thorough mass mobilization effective, and there were far more things of importance to produce, did you have the industrial revolution and the mass army formations of the 19th century. Once established, the obsession of the ruling order was to neutralize these mass army formations, looking forward to the day where they could march poor people into chemical gas attacks and laugh as they die, die, die.
My guess on ancient economics and why you didn't read much about it is that money was a subject of great superstition and religious significance. Religious temples were the first banks and financial institutions. If you look at Carthage, where political status was premised on wealth, the political class were also required to assume religious offices. Religion and money were in that case tied closely. It was similar for the Romans, except the Roman civic values disdained commerce and promoted soldiers and administrators, while drawing on farmer-soldiers for the core of the legions.
>>2376029i could write more on this subject, but i will give you the basic bibliography as you request. it took a long time to make, so i hope you find it useful. 🙂
a word from friedrich engels is required, however:
<"the exchange of commodities dates from a time before all written history – which in Egypt goes back to at least 2500 B.C., and perhaps 5000 B.C., and in Babylon to 4000 B.C., perhaps to 6000 B.C.; thus, the law of value has prevailed during a period of from five to seven thousand years." [capital vol. 3, supplement]economic practice thus precedes economic theory. we may now read primary sources of ancient economy:
>homer, the iliad (800 B.C.)<book 1, lines 155-170achilles rebukes agamemnon for exploiting his labour, as it is directly written in the thomas hobbes translation (1676), the samuel butler translation (1898) and the robert fitzgerald translation (1974).
<book 3, lines 60-61cross-referenced between the translations of richmond lattimore, robert fitzgerald and peter green (with greek sources from alexandros pallis), we can see how paris explains a notion of labour "power" to hektor directly. here is pallis' greek text:
<"Πάντα η καρδιά σου 'ναι σκληρή σαν το μπαλτά όταν σκίζει λέφκας κορμό, και την ορμή πληθαίνει του τεχνίτη" [3.60-61]"ορμή" is connotative of the term "power".
<book 21, lines 410-425neptune reminds apollo of the denial of their wage by laomedon. this concords between the samuel butler and thomas hobbes translations. other spurious references are the trading of diomedes' bronze armour with glaucus' gold armour (book 6, lines 225-236), of which it is said that it was worth 100 oxen, over 9. this is even referenced by adam smith:
<"In the rude ages of society, cattle are said to have been the common instrument of commerce [.] The armour of Diomede, says Homer, cost only nine oxen; but that of Glaucus cost an hundred oxen" [wealth of nations, ch. 4]marx makes reference to the iliad also:
<"In Homer, for instance, the value of an article is expressed in a series of different things. Iliad. VII. 472-475." [capital vol. 1, ch. 1, footnote 24]this describes how wine was exchanged for different items, and so suffices to express the elementary form of value.
following from homer, we have another greek poet, hesiod, who is treated by some as the first to speak on economic matters:
>hesiod, works and days (700 B.C.)<lines 11-24here, hesiod describes two forms of strife; cruel strife and wholesome strife. one causes war, the other, social competition, with emphasis on economic competition.
<lines 42-105hesiod describes man's fall into his curse of toil by pandora's box, seeming to mirror the biblical myth: (genesis 3:17-19).
<lines 106-201hesiod describes the decline of man from the golden age of cronos to the iron age. man's paradise was free from toil, but today, man suffers this curse (the trojan war is described as taking place in the bronze age, which is conferred by homer's description of unnaturally strong men).
<lines 293-341despite labour's curse, hesiod still glorifies it as a virtue which brings wealth, countering the idle man who grows envious of riches. for this sake, he also speaks against theft in all cases, but still promotes gifting.
<lines 370-372wages are discussed, and are said to best be fixed by a friend, in sight of a witness.
<lines 405-413hesiod speaks of a proper household being one in which a man has a woman and ox for a slave. aristotle references this later on (oikonomia 1.2). the rest of the work is largely astrological codes for production, which in a sense, still exists today, such as our "holi-days" (holy days) where we take off work. the sabbath is also conjoined to the weekend, which is an explicitly religious motif, of God's own rest. what is to be said then, is that in this time, both slaves and wage labourers existed.
after the poets came the philosophers. david graeber in "debt: the first 5000 years" (2011) uses richard seaford's work to give an exposition for this cultural change, in chapter 9, on the milesian school, where the minting of coins (600 B.C.) leads to the contemplation of an abstract materialism (as per the abstract materiality of money). the materialism of the presocratics is also commented upon by aristotle (metaphysics, book 1). marx makes a relevant comment in this respect:
<"The monetary system is essentially a Catholic institution, the credit system essentially Protestant. “The Scotch hate gold.” In the form of paper the monetary existence of commodities is only a social one. It is Faith that brings salvation." [capital vol. 3, ch. 35]which links to graebers comments in chapter 12, that debt-imperialism is correlative with religious fanaticism, showing how metal money dominates in times of materialism, while credit money dominates in times of idealism. its perhaps for this reason that joseph schumpeter speaks on plato (the father of idealism) as an early theorist of credit money in "history of economic analysis" (1954), chapter 1. the term "σύμβολον" is translated as "symbol [of exchange]", from line 371b of plato's republic. in paul shorey's translation, this line is footnoted by an addition which reads:
<"Aristotle ads that the medium of exchange must of itself have value (Politics 1257 a 36)".this is also affirmed by schumpeter; that aristotle and plato had opposite monetary perspectives. marx decidedly takes the 'physicalist' side, speaking against money's symbolisation (capital, vol. 1, chapter 2), yet aristotle shows no special protest in his wtitings, and can be quoted from paul shorey's reference:
<"iron, silver, and the like. Of this the value was at first measured simply by size and weight, but in process of time they put a stamp upon it, to save the trouble of weighing and to mark the value." [politics, 2257a 36]this is in accordance with aristotle's stated chartalism (as we will get to later)… after these preliminaries, we may now approach the philosophy of economy:
a contemporary of plato and enthusiast of economic thought was xenophon:
>xenophon, the economist (362 B.C.)<book 1, lines 7-12the dialogue is between critobulus and socrates. "economist" in the first place comes from the greek "οἰκονομία" meaning "household management". my first citation comes at the point where wealth is being described as a particular form of property. one may possess land, yet it may cause loss rather than wealth. we see then that wealth is based in either utility or exchangeability - at this early stage then, we see the paradox of value at work, which is later developed by aristotle.
<chapter 1, lines 13-16at this point, socrates has deconstructed critobulus' view to even admitting that to possess money, without knowledge of how best to use it, means a lack of wealth, for it also comprises an unprofitable property.
<chapter 2, line 4socrates explains that wealth is entirely relative to what should satisfy a man. a poor man may nonetheless be wealthy. the paradox of value is reproduced, therefore.
<chapter 3, lines 1-2more comments on the paradox of value.
<chapter 3, lines 10-15socrates declares that good workers depend upon a good leader, like a good wife depends upon a good husband.
<chapter 5, lines 1-17general compliments are given to farming in a physiocratic manner. the land itself is cited as the source of wealth, rather than labour. husbandry is seen as a moral act.
<chapter 7, line 22socrates says that men and women are divided in their labours; outside/inside
<chapter 11, lines 10-13socrates affirms that the increase of wealth is a consequence of one's ideal actions in every station of his life, affirming hesiod's praise of riches and criticism of poverty. this also connects to earlier comments on husbandry as a universal form of labour and wealth.
<chapter 13, line 9slaves are compared to animals in their form of discipline by appeasement. the rest of the dialogue is a reminiscence by socrates of what ischomachus taught him about agriculture. we may conclude thus:
<chapter 21, lines 1-4, 12a justification for a divine right of authority is given over all hierarchies in society.
xenophon wrote another economic manuscript, typically titled, "on revenues":
>xenophon, on revenues (355 B.C.)<chapter 1, lines 1-6xenophon is once more citing the source of wealth in the land of attica itself.
<chapter 2, lines 1-12xenophon says that natural wealth may be added to, and particularly cites the "staple" immigrants in his land, including lydians, phrygians and syrians. he further says that offering them civic opportunities may lead to mutual benefit for the city. he further says that land should be developed to help house foreigners for the sake of expanding their residence, to increase revenues.
<chapter 3, lines 1-8he says that shipping and mercantile trade should be promoted as much as possible
<chapter 3, line 9more visitors means rent and commerce
<chapter 4, line 9xenophon describes the depreciation of gold as its inflated supply within a silver economy. value is then a relative affair and that the money supply must increase at the same rate of commodity production to ensure a preservation of its value.
<chapter 4, lines 18-21xenophon suggests a public sector to correspond to the private sector (in the purchase of slaves), for the principle cause of mining silver.
<chapter 4, lines 26-28xenophon suggests an original investment of 1,200 slaves, which over 6 years, should rise to 6,000, and eventually to 10,000. he sees that this will increase revenues.
<chapter 4, lines 35-39xenophon suggests distributing the slaves equally between the 10 athenian tribes.
<chapter 5, lines 1-7xenophon sees that prosperity comes from peace, so suggests "guardians" be appointed, such as those spoken of in plato's republic (375 B.C.)
<chapter 5, lines 18-21xenophon explains how in peace, riches are stored up, and in war, they are spent.
>>2376029>>2378214graduating on from xenophon, we can move onto aristotle (plato has various comments on economic matters, such as the necessity of a division of labour, his ideas of common property, etc. but his work is rather undeveloped, in light of his student, aristotle, who is the most sourced ancient writer on economics):
>aristotle, economics (~350 B.C.)<book 1, section 1343aaristotle makes initial distinction between economics (oικονομικά) and politics (πολιτική). he explains that politics concerns the rule of a city, so may take many forms, but economics concerns the rule of the household, so is a monarchy. he sees that a city is made of many households, so likewise concludes that economics precedes politics in formation. he also references hesiod's division of a household's property, between his wife, livestock and slaves.
<book 1, section 1343baristotle mimics xenophon's socratic dialogue by praising husbandry as against the "illiberal arts" of the idle. he speaks of reproduction as a form of investment for future payment by children, so you could say that he relates the family structure to a relationship of creditor to debtor (david graeber sees many cultures promote this).
<book 1, section 1344aaristotle further appears to reference xenophon, by speaking of the sexual division of labour, between the internal and external roles of the household. he then speaks on slaves being best possessions. he divides the slave's role in these terms:
<"Three things make up the life of a slave, work, punishment, and food."which he brings into proper proportion.
<book 2, sections 1345b-1346aaristotle speaks of 4 kinds of economy:
<"that of the king [royal economy], that of the provincial governor [satrapic economy], that of the city [political economy], and that of the individual [household]."each have their roles to one another, and are mediated by various revenues;
<"Let us therefore examine royal economy first. It is universal in its scope, but has four special departments—the coinage, exports, imports, and expenditure […] Let us next take satrapic economy. Here we find six kinds of revenue—[from land, from the peculiar products of the district, from merchandise, from taxes, from cattle, and from all other sources] […] Thirdly, let us examine the economy of the city. Here the most important source of revenue is from the peculiar products of the country, next comes that derived from merchandise and customs, and lastly that which comes from the ordinary taxes. Fourthly and lastly, let us take individual economy. Here we find wide divergences, because economy is not necessarily always practised with one aim in view. It is the least important kind of economy, because the incomings and expenses are small. Here the main source of revenue is the land, next other kinds of regular activity, and thirdly investments of money. Further, there is a consideration which is common to all branches of economy and which calls for the most careful attention, especially in individual economy, namely, that the expenditure must not exceed the income." the rest of the book is a series of surveys on different cities. we may then move on:
>aristotle, nicomachaen ethics (~350 B.C.)<book 5, chapter 5, lines 1-19aristotle describes the notion of reciprocity in terms of commodity exchange. he begins by presupposing a division of labour, which allows men to trade their particular commodities with others on the basis of a proportion which grants equality. this equality, he stipulates, must be a condition of commensurability, which he assigns to money. money grants equality to unequal things. money, he says, represents the demand for goods, and sees that supply and demand determine prices, which allow exchange. he also sees that money is a creation of the state, so is an early "chartalist" theorist of money. this passage has equally confused karl marx (capital, vol. 1, ch. 1, sct. 3) and murray rothbard (history of economic thought, vol. 1, ch. 1, sct. 3), yet aristotle's meaning is quite clear to any honest reader.
>aristotle, rhetoric (350-330 B.C.)<book 1, chapter 7, lines 14-15here, aristotle describes the paradox of value, or the inverse proportion between a commodity's value in use and exchange. he identifies this, but reverses its cause, basing the quantity labour in demand for scarcity, rather than the opposite relation.
>aristotle, politics (335-323 B.C.)<book 1, sections 1256a-1258bwe see in this first place, that aristotle is separating the "economic" (οἰκονομικῇ) from "wealth-getting" (χρηματιστικῇ) or "chrematistics". the economic, aristotle considers natural and necessary, while of chrematistics, he considers this unnatural and unnecessary. marx explicitly signifies these modes of activity as the respective circuits of commerce: C-M-C and M-C-M:
>zur kritik der politischen ökonomie, chapter 3, section a, footnote 17>capital, vol. 1, chapter 4, footnote 6aristotle further associates χρηματιστικῇ (what can otherwise be translated as "finance") with usury, which he says is the most hated form of wealth-getting. this line of thought apparently massively inspired medieval thinking (e.g. thomism).
aristotle further envisions that the cause of civic strife, crime and revolution is wealth inequality, or class contradiction, so seeks to mediate conflict by expanding the middle class (a strategy as old as time):
>aristotle, politics (335-323 B.C.)<book 4, sections 1295b-1296ahe associates the [golden] mean between rich and poor a rational principle, based in moderation (which he carries into ethics).
<book 5, section 1308bas a solution to class inequality therefore, aristotle suggests a manner of redistribution, where the rich and poor are collapsed into the same middle class. this is also part of his ethics of friendship. a friendship involves sharing between members, and the friendship is more ideal than the romance (as we may read from plato's "lysis", where the term "platonic relationship" originates, as a mode of intimacy greater than any other, because it isnt corrupted by unnecessary desires). aristotle is not advocating for common ownership, like plato's guardians however, but still retains the right to private property:
<book 2, section 1263aaristotle promotes the ideal of friendship in the view of property, that man should possess his own, but also share it:
<"Property should be in a certain sense common, but, as a general rule, private; for, when everyone has a distinct interest, men will not complain of one another, and they will make more progress, because everyone will be attending to his own business […] For, although every man has his own property, some things he will place at the disposal of his friends, while of others he shares the use with them [.] It is clearly better that property should be private, but the use of it common; and the special business of the legislator is to create in men this benevolent disposition."aristotle's conception then is a society of friends. there is one glaring unconscious to all this sentimentality however:
<"For, although every man has his own property, some things he will place at the disposal of his friends, while of others he shares the use with them. The Lacedaemonians, for example, use one another’s slaves, and horses, and dogs, as if they were their own; and when they lack provisions on a journey, they appropriate what they find in the fields throughout the country."aristotle conceives of freedom and equality, but only exclusively to the free. of slavery, he necessarily justifies it as part of his worldview. this then shows the limits of aristotle's thoughts on the matter.
this concludes my ancient bibliography. 🙂
>>2378214>>2378239>>2377350>>2377328i have no words to thank your efforts, anons, this was much more than i ever expected.
I have made a thread about ancient economy, if anyone would like to add something to this discussion i recommend to go there, see the catalogue.
>>2377350>What happened in modern times to create the "capitalist", the inventor of technology and that which led to the dominance of technology that never existed before then, was a singular event particularly to a stage of history where technology could claim something that no technology could.yes and no. the ancients had extremely sophisticated machines. myths of hephaestus even tell us that he created androids, so the technical consciousness was there, it was just subordinate to other areas of life. today it is reversed; even our leaders are subordinate to capital. capital, therefore, is the social subject, while in previous epochs, it was political power. it depends on your sense of causation, but capitalism and the protestant reformation came out of the same birth, and the protestant empires conquered the world. is capitalism then a form of protestant worship, or is protestantism the religion of capitalism? marx makes comment:
<"The cult of money has its asceticism, its self-denial, its self-sacrifice – economy and frugality, contempt for mundane, temporal and fleeting pleasures; the chase after the eternal treasure. Hence the connection between English Puritanism, or also Dutch Protestantism, and money-making." [grundrisse, notebook 2, on money, cont.]<"for such a [capitalist] society, Christianity with its cultus of abstract man, more especially in its bourgeois developments, Protestantism, Deism, &c., is the most fitting form of religion" [capital vol. 1, ch. 1, sct. 4]murray rothbard also sees the relation between bourgeois economics and a protestant notion of labour's value, as against a catholic concept of "just price":
<"Great Britain, heavily influenced by Calvinist thought and culture, and its glorification of the mere exertion of labour, came to develop a labour theory of value, while France and Italy, still influenced by Aristotelian and Thomist concepts, continued the scholastic emphasis on the consumer and his subjective valuation as the source of economic value." [history of economic thought, vol. 1, ch. 5, sct. 4]rothbard also correctly identifies many other facets of modernity as essentially "protestant", as opposed to catholic.
>their economy is "slave society" and there were no free workers or concept of such, both of which are thoroughly modern conceits that serve modern bigotries.i completely agree, and according from your following comments, we might even see how there has literally never been more slavery in human history than today, not just figuratively. also, as many note, wage workers give more labour today than serfs ever did. this is why a linear "historical materialist" outlook is inherently corrupted in my opinion. as for justifying slavery, engels does this in anti-duhring:
<"We should never forget that our whole economic, political and intellectual development presupposes a state of things in which slavery was as necessary as it was universally recognised. In this sense we are entitled to say: Without the slavery of antiquity no modern socialism." [anti-duhring, part 2, chapter 4]if we look at contemporary anthropology, we of course see that majesties like the great pyramids were created by skilled wage workers, not slaves. what then is the cause of slavery? certainly not an imperative to production, lest capital would request slave labour as its means. the issue with economistic thinking is imagining everything as a means to an end, rather than seeing that some things as ends in themselves.
>>2379497>what then is the cause of slavery?The only way to answer that is that slavery must have to do with what you said about political power being the social subject
>>2379758in the indian caste system for example, "caste" (वर्ण) can be transliterated as varṇa, which means "colour". the 4 castes are then based on this order (e.g. manusmirti). there is a material basis, but the division of labour itself is contingent on prejudicial factors (the same caste system is promoted by plato in "republic", based on "metals" within a person's soul). its the same way that what we call "capitalism" is in some way inherently "western", even if a global system. thats why as henry ford writes in "the international jew", that jews excel in mercanrile affairs, so are adaptive to capitalism, yet its for this very cause that they are hated, like any immigrant who "takes" a person's job. to over-conform to expectations is to encounter an exclusion based on inclusion, so this speaks to something more. why can you never eradicate racism from capitalism? if youre poor, they blame your race, if you are rich, they blame your race. as far as i see, there is no great difference between class and race; so then, is capitalism a caste system? i would say so. its this irreducible element which then makes class position a contingency rather than necessity.
this song by john lennon, "working class hero" also gives us the truth; that class is a reality most internalised by those most subject to it; "they hate you if youre clever, and despise a fool". class means you are guilty either way. this is why i think there will never be a working class revolution either, because once you believe in the identity, you become bound by it. stalin's enslaving notions of "proletarianisation" highlight this fact. the best servant is a proud servant. this is all you get on the bottom; bragging rights for how much you break your back for your masters.
>>2379497You know absolutely nothing about reality and technology, having replaced it with ideology and the most insane Germanic conceits. For one, the ancients certainly did not build androids, and only had the vaguest conception of such a machine.
One thing that should be kept in mind is that the writing that comes down did not have a genre of "science" or "science fiction" or "applied sciences" as we have it today. The naturalist was in part a philosopher and another part a polymath that integrated what we know as physics, chemistry, biology, anatomy, zoology, and various other disciplines that would today be conflated as "Earth sciences". There were also very few people who became naturalists, since it wasn't a field of writing that produced obvious benefits or outcomes. The kind of writing that would lead to mechanization and the production of machines was something for the lower classes to work out, none of which survives and only fragments of which were present in the rare engineer or philosopher who was really important like Archimedes. You can see in Archimedes mechanical knowledge that wouldn't be reproduced for centuries, but it was all in this one guy who was too busy building those machines to take on students or create a school. There is also nothing like our concept of schooling or the university. The only thing that is sort of like that is Plato's Academy, whose function was really to reproduce an aristocratic faction rather than the functions universities took on.
>what then is the cause of slavery?Slavery as a practice can be found in very primitive societies. It was known to the American Indians of North America, and very prevalent among the Maya, Aztec, and Inca who left behind records and saying regarding slavery as an institution. The institution of slavery is necessary for slavery as a practice to persist and be valued as anything other than an ad hoc domination of some person by another. The dominance of wives by the men is only realized by institutions upholding patriarchal society, and without that, patriarchy as a sentiment or a "just so fact" has little going for it.
If your argument is that only "bad" people would enslave others, or that there was some primordial sin that allowed slavery to exist in the world, you do not understand slavery as a situation, let alone as an institution. Germanics use this language to confuse deliberately everything about slavery, because they hold freedom in the genuine sense in the utmost contempt.
So far as there is a "singular origin" of the slave power, which is to say the institution of slavery, it originates in ritual sacrifice and the exultant celebration of such. There are no slaves without a lowest class subjected to the utmost depravities humans are capable of. Without a lowest class, there is nothing real to enforce the status of slavery that is clear and present. Slavery as a story or narrative has no substance, and in practice, if a slave is to be employed in an useful work, the slave requires enough autonomy to be allowed to do the thing the master wants. This meant that unless you were one of the slaves selected to be tortured for the amusement of the master, or a slave punished severely to set the example which was the moral education of slaves, you had some existence apart from the master, and it wasn't necessary or desirable for the master to invade that space for the sake of feeling "bigga". The Germanic only understands "bigga", because the Germanic is the dumbest of animals and a natural slave to their conceits. This came about because the Germans were never great slavers, never great conquerors, and envied the empires that did conquer and have slaves, colonies, and effective models of exploitation. The only thing Germans understand is drinking, raping, killing, fomenting bullshit religious wars as an excuse for those things, and arranging famines and ritual sacrifices of their own people because their stupid race can't stop themselves from killing each other before they decided to shit up all of Europe and then the world. Every aspect of their verbiage is disgusting and I can't stand their stupid smugness and insistence to lecture other cultures about things members within those cultures understand very well in their own history and knowledge handed down by their families. They do this to everyone and it's the most insulting garbage, yet they're getting away with it because they installed themselves in the institutions. What an insidious and disgusting race.
Anyway, there wasn't an ulterior motive or necessity to slavery, like the master would surely die if they didn't have a slave contract to feel like they're in charge. Most societies didn't have nearly enough slaves to do all of the labor to be done, and Rome was not exceptional on this. The Romans employed the freedman who was a former slave but had legal status, and freeborn citizens worked all of the time on various projects, typically disregarded by history since there wasn't a whole lot for them to produce. In every society that practiced slavery, the slaves were an alien population that was in excess of what they considered the actual society, and in principle all of the slaves could be exterminated and life would continue much as it had before. The slaves were a claim on wealth and value that masters had no reason to exterminate so wantonly, and the openly democidal aims of the later eugenic creed were both impossible to implement and too monstrous to consider even for the regularly brutal ancients. It may be odd to someone who is Germanic brained, but most humans do not particularly enjoy the torture and extermination of other humans, and find it even harder without having a particularly good reason—an ACTUAL reason—for such a course of action, which would have to be done manually and for no apparent benefit. The slaves are not going to rebel most of the time, and have nothing but their own bodies to rebel with, with no notion of what a society without slavery meant. It really starts not even with eugenics or the technical possibility of exterminating large numbers of humans quickly with no possibility of hiding, but with this Germanic philosophy that intended the democidal, Absolute impulse not just for slaves but for all of the world, all humans, against any concept of humanism civilization might have held. The eugenists took this philosophy, saw how it could be purposed for their mission, and intensified all of its monstrosities to the maximum. Then their religion was purified in the late 20th century, and we're presently living through the results of that. What is happening today is a very new thing, unprecedented in human history, and that is one reason why the ruling ideas violently shout that nothing new is possible and insist that we must relitigate 1914 forever until "history is corrected".
Anyway my point wasn't that the ancients had no thought about money (I said the exact opposite), but that they had no equivalent of "economics" because technology remained mostly stable. The things you would purchase with money remained crops, swords, armor, buildings, the salaries of officers and bureaucrats, and so on. There wasn't any sense of investing in "technology" as a going concern of the state or the empire. At most the Empire considered surplus on the arts and letters a distraction or a way to pay off elites to write whatever they liked. That is still at core what science and university funding is; a way to distribute largesse to elites. The real difference is that in modernity, technological advance made a vast difference in what forces a state could bring to bear, in conflict, in production, and in how the subjects lived their daily life. These things changed very little over the centuries in the ancient world, and when they did change, the history emphasized which wars were fought, which men claimed power, and the particular policy of the ruler which was a response to the events of their reign. There wasn't the same thinking about a "system", in the way there were various "American systems" during the 19th century or the "systems" of modern commonwealths to manage these affairs in a new manner. There was a sense rulers had about how their society was arranged and what they had to do to continue the arrangement, but the overall aims of the system were constant because the Empire couldn't conceive of being much different than it was. What the Empire looked for was how to win their wars, and their foresight only could see more wars until the whole world was conquered, which was so far into the future that it was highly speculative to say what would change. Where there were speculations about such a situation, they were primarily philosophical or religious texts, which is what Republic is. Nothing like that society was anywhere near realization, and that wasn't the point of the book. The reality of human existence is that regardless of the "system" in place, the lives of human beings were the same. They still needed the same things, ate the same type of food, fought with weapons and tactics that advanced more by contact with rivals than any notion of technological progress, and the lives of most people were consigned to some type of slavery and no real purpose to existence. The thought and activity that corresponded to today's zeal for technological progress was found in religion, and Christianity is basically the religious form of Plato's Republic plus commentaries on it.
>>2383364>the ancients certainly did not build androids, and only had the vaguest conception of such a machine.hephaestus was a god of arts and crafts. it is said by hesiod that he even created woman herself. the notion of mechanical humanoids is also communicated in homers' iliad. my point is that to even have the concept of automaton speaks to a technical consciousness in the people. also, you are implicitly devaluing the magnificent work of the ancients based in modernist prejudice. if you sent back iphones to ancient greece, it wouldnt be as alien as you imagine, even if technically incomprehensible, the same way the automoble is just an improvement on the chariot.
>The naturalist was in part a philosopher its no different today. there is no "pure" scientific research.
>There is also nothing like our concept of schooling or the university. The only thing that is sort of like that is Plato's Academy, whose function was really to reproduce an aristocratic faction rather than the functions universities took on.are you this naive? look up "skull and bones society members", or better yet, look at the entrance fee for harvard. there is nothing "universal" in university.
>If your argument is that only "bad" people would enslave others, or that there was some primordial sin that allowed slavery to exist in the world, you do not understand slavery as a situation, let alone as an institution.slavery always employed unskilled labour, so there was no material necessity for slavery; thats my argument. wage labour has always existed alongside slavery also, which depletes the marxist sophistics that in the past, all labour has been an object, rather than subject.
>There are no slaves without a lowest class subjected to the utmost depravities humans are capable of.reading ancients speak of slaves doesnt come across as class domination, but objectification, or dehumanisation. thats why aristotle can speak of the injustices of poverty, while taking slavery for granted. its not a class concept, but a natural concept. also, reading homer, the only brutality inflicted against people is soldiers against soldiers, besides achilles' furious human sacrifice of 12 young boys to patrocles.
>So far as there is a "singular origin" of the slave power, which is to say the institution of slavery, it originates in ritual sacrifice and the exultant celebration of such. not from what ive read. slavery appears to originate from debts, hence the term "debt slave". this was also the charge given against negroes in america. in "robinson crusoe", robinson is originally freed by portugese sailors, who acquire a negro slave from him, and claim that he may be freed given a certain amount of penance (i.e. 10 years). this is also in the bible, where jacob acts as a slave for 7 years, consecutively. so slavery has always had these sorts of conditions, like we may read in charlotte bronte's "jane eyre", where a maidservant was hired for a fixed time, only receiving allowances, besides the wage granted her for thr fulfilment of the term. in another english novel, frances hodgson's "the secret garden", we see in the master's joyful return, to give the peasants on his land a gold coin. they are not pardoned from a debt, but only temporarily immune. so slavery begins by this manner of dependence, which incurs a debt (which in feudalism, was actually payable, but today is not). if the ancients saw mortgage plans, they would say that this is literally slavery, for example.
>>2383418>The thought and activity that corresponded to today's zeal for technological progress was found in religion, and Christianity is basically the religious form of Plato's Republic plus commentaries on it.so in the end you are forced to agree with me, that capitalism is inherently protestant? lol.
>>2383502the bants on that vid are legendary
Can someone explain to me the relationship between profit margin and determing the price of an item?
We all know that in "ideal" capitalism the price is set by considering cost of production and consumers willing to pay it. But how does it really work? That is to say: how inflated prices really are compared to their production cost? We saw that during the COVID pandemia prices rose, and afterwards stayed the same even though they should lower again. How does this work? How much profit is artificial?
>>2379497>hephaestus even tell us that he created androidslmao
>>2383502>the same way the automoble is just an improvement on the chariotyes nothing ever changes in fact change is impossible. zeno confirmed. communism btfo. we should all give up and become liberals. this is of course very serious and not a joke.
>>2384419>yes nothing ever changesthings change; but the more things change, the more they stay the same. time is the moving image of eternity: λόγος
<"Now it was the [God's] nature to be eternal, but it isn’t possible to bestow eternity fully upon anything that is begotten. And so he began to think of making a moving image of eternity: at the same time as he brought order to the universe, he would make an eternal image, moving according to number, of eternity remaining in unity. This number, of course, is what we now call “time.” [plato - timaeus, 37d]<"The thing that hath been, it is that which shall be; and that which is done is that which shall be done: and there is no new thing under the sun." [ecclesiastes 1:9]>>2384329>We all know that in "ideal" capitalism the price is set by considering cost of production and consumers willing to pay it. But how does it really work? That is to say: how inflated prices really are compared to their production cost?adam smith proposes that market prices (determined by supply and demand) equilibrate toward their costs of production (natural price), over a certain period. this is also marx's view, which is a presupposition granted to him by special reference to the ricardian thomas tooke's work "history of prices" in which he attempts to combat the view that prices are determined by the money supply, and looks at the elements of production instead, in order to ground a labour theory of value. if we take this classical understanding then, a commodity's production cost is its "real price" to which everything gravitates. the point on inflation is what keynes wrote; that it exists as a tax, but a tax on whom? keynes generalises the phenomena, but from the market we see all prices rise except the wage. inflation then is not the raising of value, but the diminishing of the value of the wage. if wages were adjusted for inflation for example, prices would level out to a more acceptable level. "artificial" profits then do not occur from over-pricing commodities (which is rent, not profit), but decreasing the value of the wage, or exploiting labour.
Can someone explain what Anwar Shaikh and real economics is about?
>>2384794as adam smith says,
<"Labour alone, therefore, never varying in its own value, is alone the ultimate and real standard by which the value of all commodities can at all times and places be estimated and compared. It is their real price; money is their nominal price only." [wealth of nations, chapter 5]anwar shaikh maintains this distinction, between "real" and "nominal" value. he makes this argument, which relates to my earlier comment upon inflation lowering the real wage of workers:
<"Finally, if buying prices remained unchanged at pcn= 0.7, pir= 5.25 while sell-ing prices were doubled to pcn= 1.4, pir= 10.50, nominal profits would be boosted because sales would be doubled while costs remained unchanged. If workers are unable to maintain their real wage because they are unable to raise their money wages to match the new higher prices, then the fall in their real wage would expand the surplus product in the next round. This can be important in practice when inflation serves to reduce the real wage […] That is to say, real profits adjusted for inflation would be unchanged [.] The foregoing exercises lead to a simple rule for measuring economic profits. First, derive nominal economic profits by applying the same current-period prices to material and labor inputs as to outputs. Second, derive real economic profits by deflating nominal profits by the general price index, whose level will itself depend on the period chosen to be the base […] As noted, these are adjustments designed to distinguish real economic profit from nominal profit." [anwar shaikh - capitalism: competition, conflict, crises - chapter 6, part 3, section 2-3]put most simply, the real economy measures the purchasing power of wages. wages can "rise" in price, but have less value; this then shows the difference. anwar also appears to be part of "the new school", which michael hudson is part of.
todd mcgowan explains economic value as a "negative" magnitude expressed as sublimity. the "inutility" or "disutility" of an item is the measure of its value to todd, where the the commodity form itself acts as a lacanian "objet a" or german anstoß, whereby a medium simultaneously impedes an object, as it realises it. the function of packaging for an item thus obscures the use-value content, so in opening a package, the value itself is eradicated. the inacessibility of the object is the conservation of its value, thus. the commodity can therefore be separated between two terms; its pleasure and enjoyment - pleasure to freud is finite, while enjoyment (or "drive") exceeds pleasure (the death drive compels us to self-destruction for example, so value can be understood as a signifier which demands our sacrifice, but is itself only the becoming of its purchase). todd links this to marx's division between "necessary" and "surplus" labour. that which exceeds necessity is a commodity's surplus value, which is expressed as sublime emptiness, to todd. this is realised in consumption, where the capitalist can only realise value by appealing to the unconscious. to todd therefore, there are 3 aspects of the commodity: its being in-itself (use-value), its mediated packaging (objet a) and das ding/empty singularity (value).
todd's message then is that capitalists attempt to sell disutility as utility, which must be recognised in its reversal. this is also where todd criticises marx, as a thinker who constitutes value by a commodity's use (where todd has previously called marx a "right-wing" thinker for attempting to overcome alienation). todd then defends the form of value, but seeks to bring it into social recognition, as a lacking subjectivity. todd's speculative project may then perhaps be a post-capitalist commodity production.
>>2390777Finally it happened, a poster more deranged than Smith poster has entered the chat.
j.m. keynes mentions silvio gesell with glowing praise in his "general theory" (1936). he says that gesell is the positive thinker who transcends the marxian doctrine:
<"I believe that the future will learn more from the spirit of Gesell than from that of Marx. The preface to The Natural Economic Order will indicate to the reader, if he will refer to it, the moral quality of Gesell. The answer to Marxism is, I think, to be found along the lines of this preface." [general theory, ch. 23, sct. 6]
gesell himself appears to be an anti-communist proudhonist, promoting "the new economic order" as a "third possibility" between capitalism and state socialism. what then, is this "order"?
<"The economic order here discussed is a natural order only in the sense that it is adapted to the nature of man [.] a man is to be free to act as his nature dictates, religion, custom and law must extend him their protection when, in his economic life, he is guided by justified egoism-when he obeys the impulse of self- preservation given him by nature [.] The Natural Economic Order must, therefore, be founded upon self-interest [.] In the Natural Economic Order founded upon egoism everyone must be assured the full proceeds of his own labour, and must be allowed to dispose of these proceeds as he thinks fit [.] By the Natural Economic Order we mean [that] leadership falls to the fittest, an order in which all privileges are abolished, in which the individual, obeying the impulse of egoism, goes straight for his, aim, undisturbed [.] The Natural Economic Order might also be called the "Manchester System", the economic order which has been the ideal of all true lovers of freedom-an order standing by itself without intervention from outside, an order in which the free play of economic forces would rectify the blunders of State-Socialism and short-sighted official meddling [.] The economists forgot, or did not wish to see, that for a natural development the proletariat must be given the right of reconquering the land with the same weapons by which it was taken from them. Instead of this, the Manchester economists appealed to the State [.] They did not know that money makes interest the condition of its services, that commercial crises, the deficit in the budget of the earning classes and unemployment are simply effects of the traditional form of money. The Manchester ideals and the gold standard are incompatible. In the Natural Economic Order, Free-Land and Free-Money win eliminate the unsightly, disturbing, dangerous concomitants of the Manchester system, and create the conditions necessary for a truly free play of economic forces [.] Natural selection in its full, miraculous effectiveness is then restored […] The Natural Economic Order will be technically superior to the present, or to the communistic order." [the natural economic order, 1918 preface]
gesell's anti-communism is developed here:
<"Bolshevism or communism may be possible in a primitive state of society, such as is still found in rural parts of Russia, but such prehistoric economic forms cannot be applied to a highly developed economic system founded on the division of labour. The European has outgrown the tutelage inseparable from communism. He must be free not alone from capitalistic exploitation, but also from meddling official intervention, which is an integral part of social life based on communism. For this reason we shall experience failure after failure in the present attempts at nationalising industry. The communist, the advocate of the system of common property, stands at the extreme right wing, at the entrance-door of social development. Communism is therefore the most extreme form of reaction. The Natural Economic Order, on the contrary, is the programme of action, of progress, of the fugleman on the extreme left. Transitional stages, merely, lie between. [the new economic order's] ideal is the ideal of the personality responsible for itself alone and liberated from the control of others-the ideal of Schiller, Stirner, Nietzsche and Landauer." [the natural economic order, 1920 preface]
we may then read of his proudhonist anti-marxism:
<"Proudhon, indeed, has not been entirely forgotten, but he has never been properly understood. If his advice had been understood and acted on, there would now be no such thing as capital [.] No capitalist is afraid of [marx's] theory, just as no capitalist is afraid of the Christian doctrine; it is therefore positively an advantage to capital to have Marx and Christ discussed as widely as possible, for Marx can never damage capital." [part 1, introduction]
gesell's economic criticism of marx is from gesell's own perspective; that "surplus-value" is just a form of rent or capital-interest (where he later says that all deductions of rent and interest confer the value from the labour of the capitalist - or in more classical terms, what is derivable as a revenue from the employment of stock - or what is returned from marx's notion of "cost-price"). "profit" to gesell is a superfluous category. this is given from his further comments against marx:
<"Marx succumbs to a popular fallacy and holds that capital consists of material goods. For Proudhon, on the contrary, interest is not the product of material goods, but of an economic situation, a condition of the market. Marx regards surplus-value as spoil resulting from the abuse of a power conferred by ownership. For Proudhon surplus-value is subject to the law of demand and supply. According to Marx, surplus-value must invariably be positive. For Proudhon the possibility of negative surplus-value must be taken into consideration. (Positive surplus-value is surplus-value on the side of supply, that is, of the capitalist, negative surplus-value is surplus-value on the side of labour)." [part 1, introduction]
what gesell appears to be implying is that surplus-value is a relationship created by the circulation of money; that profit is not accumulation, but conditional privation, and therefore monopoly. this indeed is the logic of rents, yet rents cannot command production, but only enforce extraction. this is where the positivity of profit must be understood. gesell's focus on money thus shows how he sees effective demand determining rates of interest and production (where if interest was lowered, production would increase, therefore abolishing surplus, and so capital), which goes toward keynes' point.
keynes reverses the classical postulate that "supply creates its own demand" by seeking to increase this proudhonist "negative surplus" to foster market solutions. as we may even read from william petty's "verbum sapienti" (1665) however, the suggestion for public use of labour (ch. 10) carries the implication that there is a limited supply based in heightened demand - the disequilibrium between supply and demand is even characterised by petty in an outline of increased labour power produced from "arts" (machines). in sharp wit, he says that one man may produce the labour of five, therefore performing the acts vainly sought by polygamy. this shows then that between men's employment and their possibility, there is lacking potential. a difficulty of the capitalist imagination then, is in conceiving of a natural decline in aggregate demand based in sufficient supply of goods. what gesell and keynes really differ with marx on then, is seeing the limits of production as merely the constraints of consumption. over-production is underconsumption. what marx and the austrian school converge on then, is determining the marginal disutility of goods as a metric of equilibrium (keynes precisely sees the marginal disutility of capital producing business cycles, yet wants to expand their utility by heightening aggregate demand through monetary stimulation). gesell's "free money" paired with keynes' aggregate demand calculations then display either a "new liberalism" or "natural economic order", as it distances itself from either state socialism or lasseiz-faire. this is a self-described "third possibility":
<"The abuses of this epoch in the realms of Government are Fascism on the one side and Bolshevism on the other. Socialism offers no middle course, because it also is sprung from the presuppositions of the Era of Abundance, just as much as laissez-faire individualism and the free play of economic forces, before which latter, almost alone amongst men, the City Editors, all bloody and blindfolded, still piteously bow down. The transition from economic anarchy to a regime which deliberately aims at controlling and directing economic forces in the interests of social justice and social stability, will present enormous difficulties both technical and political. I suggest, nevertheless, that the true destiny of New Liberalism is to seek their solution." [j.m. keynes, "am i a liberal?", 1925]
we see a conceptual chain therefore, between a positive notion of value, toward increasing negativity. marx and the classicals locate profit as the fund of capital's expansion and mobilisation (positive supply). with the austrian school, we see value being a determination of diminished returns on produced goods, equalising the market at rates on this scale (decreasing demand). in gesell, we see value as a negative potential, given from the demand of labour against the constriction of money by rent and interest (negative supply). in keynes, we see debt itself become the dominant logic of value, based in deficit spending (accumulated negativity). today, this is how we understand value - as a circulating debt rather than a circulating portion of goods. has "new liberalism" then succeeded by shifting the very ontology of value (by revealing its essence as a negative magnitude)?
>>2391175here's the true derangement,
i am smithposter 🫢
now, what is interesting in the development of gesell's emphasis on "unearned income" over profit as the source of exploitation, is that it leads to normative, rather than scientific, estimations as to these evils. for this purpose, this anon:
>>2343354 correctly intuits the immanent antisemitism which attaches itself to a notion of parasitism via unproductive labour. as a point of exposition, we may read from the foundational text of german national socialism, rudolf jung's "der nationale sozialismus" (1919);
<"Pure-Land-Reformers [henry george, etc.] subscribe to the idea that ground-rent is the source of all present-day social evils; its total or partial confiscation for the benefit of the general public is, for them, sufficient enough to remedy all harm. We, on the other hand, share the view of the Free-Economists (Silvio Gesell) that interest also constitutes a form of unearned income, and deduce from this that a second course of action is still required: the breaking of interest-slavery. This shall be brought about through monetary- or currency-reform." [der nationale sozialismus, "abolition of unearned income", section a]here, the national socialists expressly attach themselves to the ideas of gesell. if we compare the ideas of "unearned income" to smith's notion of the "necessary" faculty of unproductive labour, the difference becomes clear:
<"The labour of some of the most respectable orders in the society is, like that of menial servants, unproductive of any value, and does not fix or realize itself in any permanent subject; or vendible commodity, which endures after that labour is past, and for which an equal quantity of labour could afterwards be procured [.] Their service, how honourable, how useful, or how necessary soever, produces nothing for which an equal quantity of service can afterwards be procured." [wealth of nations, book 2, chapter 3]smith then allows us to conceive of "necessary evil" (contradiction), while the utopianism of gesell and the nazis (and hudson) displays itself as an attempt to resolve contradiction, which seems to lead to disaster. waste, or excess, is then a necessary function of society. in psychoanalysis, this can be called the "unconscious"; a universal negativity which orients us by immanent signification.
In this article, the term ‘industrial policy’ refers to the aggregate of all policies undertaken by the state to influence the development, catch-up, and innovation of specific industries. According to this definition, industrial policy is a selective policy that focuses on specific industries, rather than a universal or functional policy applied broadly to most industries. The origins of this definition can be traced at least as far back as the theory of the developmental state.1
In contrast to this definition, some argue that industrial policy encompasses universal or functional policies such as strengthening infrastructure, promoting human capital investment, maintaining fair competition, and creating an efficient market environment. This alternative definition has two drawbacks: First, it tends to blur the boundaries between industrial policy and other policies such as investment policy, export policy, human resources policy, and even macroeconomic regulation. Second, it is susceptible to being co-opted by (neo)liberal economics, using the guise of universal policies to oppose selective industry policy.
In a 2023 working paper published by the US National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER), several scholars, including the renowned economist Dani Rodrik, defined industrial policy as ‘those government policies that explicitly target the transformation of the structure of economic activity in pursuit of some public goal… a key characteristic is the exercise of choice and discretion by the public authorities, as in “We promote X but not Y”, though the latter part of this statement is typically left implicit’.2
In effect, what these scholars highlight is the role of selective industry policy in reshaping the division of labour within society. Similarly, in a speech delivered at the Brookings Institution in spring 2023, US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan interpreted the Biden administration’s industrial and innovation strategy through the lens of selective industry policy: ‘A modern American industrial strategy identifies specific sectors that are foundational to economic growth, strategic from a national security perspective, and where private industry on its own isn’t poised to make the investments needed to secure our national ambitions’.3
The formulation and implementation of industrial policy are critical aspects of economic governance in China’s socialist market economy. Industrial policy is essential in achieving socialist production objectives, addressing market failures, and promoting high-quality economic development….
https://thetricontinental.org/wenhua-zongheng-2025-1-industrial-policy-chinese-characteristics/Can economics cause mental illness? I have a theory that the Austrian school of economics makes people crazy. Many of its members had problems with depression, anxiety and other disorders. It's no coincidence that we see nutcases like Milei, Moldbug and Thiel emanating from this ideology.
>>2392113well, the austrian case against the notion of reciprocity in exchange causes them to consider the world in constant disequilibrium (or governed by unequal exchange), which might reflect some imbalance in their subjectivity. the concept of reciprocal exchange is present in the writings of aristotle (nicomachaen ethics 5.5, lines 1-19), where the exchange of goods confers an equality between them, commensurated by the medium of exchange (which represents demand). reciprocity is then understood as an equality predicated on supply and demand to achieve a proportional ratio. aristotle uses the example of "5 beds = 1 house" for example, to show how prices converge by equal values in exchange.
put most simply, if 2 items have the same price, then they exchange for the same value. now, carl menger mischaracterises adam smith (principles of economics, chapter 4), by reproducing his argument, in effect. to smith, men begin exchanging by trading a surplus of one good for another - this is also marx's opinion (capital vol. 1, ch. 2). menger further fails to make the critical leap from mere "value" to the division of value between its contradictory aspects - also theorised by aristotle (topics 1.7) and xenophon (oikonomikos, book 1-3). marx equally sees (capital vol. 1, ch. 2) that trade is facilitated by this distinction. a commodity is then internally contradicted between these two aspects, which form their values in use and exchange. menger only sees commodities as use-values, so cannot bridge the gap. ùse-values are inherently unequal, while exchange-values are inherently equal.
the austrian school then builds itself upon the foundation of inequality, leading to failures to properly abstract social phenomena. keynes is a greater theorist in this way, since he builds from the marginalism of the neoclassical and austrian schools by linking aggregate demand to the relative purchasing power of the public.
steve keen appears to be another academic charlatan. he first admits that he hasn't read marx in over 30 years, and thinks that the grundrisse was inspired by hegel's "phenomenology of right" (which he also admits to never reading). he claims that to marx, the value of money was entirely relative (a false assertion, given marx's value form; michael heinrich also repeats this lie to preserve marxist dogmatism). keen as a professional economist has never read adam smith (the same as warren moseler), so thinks that the division of value between its use and exchange was invented by marx's hegelianism. sourcing from his acclaimed book "debunking economics", he further omits attribution of this dichotomy to smith - but as i have written:
>>2374542 sir james steuart already described this dichotomy 9 years before (1767) and aristotle milennia before, with xenophon even earlier. steve keen's monstrous mischaracterisation of marx is also presented here; he says that to marx, profit is the surplus utility of a commodity over its exchange-value, and tries to extrapolate this to machines. his conclusion therefore, is that machines generate profits by surplus utility. of course, marx already dismisses this by drawing from smith's decomposition of value, between capital stock and labour employed. capital cannot add to its own value, yet increases the productivity of men (already discussed by petty in 1665). the decline in the value of commodities is the bounty of their usefulness. keen, in identifying profit with utility, mistakes classical analysis for neoclassical rhetoric. keen's conclusion is that a falling rate of profit means an inability to expand social production, when of course, the rate of profit falls precisely in proportion to expanded rates of production. so keen is amateurish at best and deceptive at worst.
How would labor vouchers even work, let's pretend dick blast doesn't exist.
>>2393135It's just money but with no unemployment rate TBH.
Money exists in the first place to buy and sell workers. When the market in wage slaves is taken over by the wage slaves themselves it ceases to be a market and there is no crisis of over-production (reserve pool of labor here).
>>2393671gobbledygook
>>2393135>how would labour vouchers workthey wouldnt. the first error on the part of people is assuming that labour vouchers exist to resolve the difference between the real value and nominal value of money by fixing it to a set standard, but as marx corrects smith on, the value of labour is not a fixed quantity, but a relative quantity. labour vouchers would then depreciate in their value over time, simulating inflation. silvio gesell's theory of free money has the same idea; that a negative rate of interest is given toward money as an incentive to spend rather than save. the issue of course is that saving is a necessary function of the economy since it accounts for time-preference which allows for higher order investment. the retention of the value of a currency is then an important concern, which can only happen by a diverse portfolio, or monetary competition between assets in markets. the holding of currency then acts as an investment.
labour vouchers, as i say, attempt to fix exchange rates. they cannot do this for the body of social labour, since value is relative - so the only alternative then is that vouchers act as a sort of ticket for goods, reproducing barter, by either reproducing a double-coincidence of wants for the same goods, or by directly assigning goods for redemption.
the benefit of money then (as smith and marx explain), is that as a universal equivalent, it confronts the social body of goods, so achieves universal exchangeability. we even consider this a virtue in itself, since we would rather be paid in money than in mere resources (which is why capitalists try to exploit workers with barter wherever they can - for example, some places offer medical coverage in place of wages). money then liberates us from the particularity of barter exchange.
>>2393014its interesting, this cultural fascination with aristotle on the right. murray rothbard attributes the austrian school's ancestry to the thomist theology of "just price" in the market (by seeing how the surcharge on goods counts toward their recompense, simulating interest). aristotle of course lauded interest as a unique evil, resigned to "χρηματιστικῇ" as opposed to "οἰκονομικῇ" (which marx later divides between M-C-M and C-M-C) - this is all detailed in my post on ancient economy:
>>2378239 along with this, aristotle literally supported wealth redistribution to resolve class contradiction and saw that private property should be for public benefit, including the sharing of resources. marx also calls aristotle "the greatest thinker of antiquity" (capital vol. 1, chapter 15, sct. 3, part B.), so rand's emphasis on non-contradiction poses no threat to anti-capitalist thought. as aristotle also says, a contradictory proposition can be granted, so long as it is resolved via dialectic; dialectic is just inferior to demonstration.
>>2393720Extremely confused post. (I can only warn people against taking this thread too seriously.)
Labour vouchers is one name, but two ideas. The main idea is that they cannot be used to acquire means of production, hire people to work with theses means, and then derive profit from selling what is produced. Fixing product prices strictly in labor time, what you call "the first error" of the pro-lv people, is a secondary aspect that pro-lv people may advocate for
or against (e. g. Cockshott).
>the value of labour is not a fixed quantity, but a relative quantity. labour vouchers would then depreciate in their value over time, simulating inflationThe amount of stuff for an hour may rise or fall, not just fall and fall and fall. (And if it were to fall and fall and fall, that would in the minds of ordinary people not be
a simulation of inflation, it would simply be inflation.) The classic Marxist assumption is a tendency that necessary labor time falls in the long run (perhaps underestimating the problem of exhausting natural resources, though this attitude has been changing). So the classic Marxist assumption is deflation, unless the voucher system is coupled with something like an expiration date.
>silvio gesell's theory of free money has the same idea; that a negative rate of interest is given toward money as an incentive to spend rather than save. the issue of course is that saving is a necessary function of the economy since it accounts for time-preference which allows for higher order investment. the retention of the value of a currency is then an important concern, which can only happen by a diverse portfolio, or monetary competition between assets in markets. the holding of currency then acts as an investment.Yeeurgh where to start with this. Silvio Gesell quite correctly pointed out that money that neither inflates nor deflates is not neutral because physical stuff degrades over time. Hoarding money does not require a decision what exactly to use it for, so hoarding money is not the same as investing it. Even the strongest mental commitment to save for a particularly expensive item is not necessarily communicated to anyone before the purchase, so is that really an investment. In socialism building up productive capacities is an administrative decision and does not require people putting their income into long-term saving accounts (the deduction from spending power can be done before people even get their incomes, like Marx wrote in Critique of the Gotha Programme). Even in capitalist societies with high inflation there is still investment, so your explanation of the importance of strong currency is not very convincing even when restricting the discussion to capitalism.
>>2394086>sagepostoff to a bad start
>The main idea is that they cannot be used to acquire means of production, hire people to work with theses means, and then derive profit from selling what is produced.yeah, so its a stupid idea (you tried to pay a kid to mow your lawn? go to gulag). in today's economy, "means of production" can also refer to something like a PC, if you make your living online.
>The amount of stuff for an hour may rise or fall, not just fall and fall and fall.it entirely depends on the sector in discussion. supply and demand also affect prices, which labour vouchers cant account for (since prices in a fixed exchange system cant adapt to rates of demand and supply).
>The classic Marxist assumption is a tendency that necessary labor time falls in the long run [.] So the classic Marxist assumption is deflationthis doesnt follow, since the reduction of the value of commodities entails greater needs of consumption to raise profit, leading to inflation. deflation retains the value of a currency by artificially limiting supply, producing effects like recessions or depressions.
>Hoarding money does not require a decision what exactly to use it for, so hoarding money is not the same as investing it. >hoardinggod forbid people save some pocket money
>In socialism building up productive capacities is an administrative decision like everything else, the government controls your life - but you are missing the point. if a phone costs two weeks wages, yet inflation causes spending money each week to get ahead of the curve (as keynes discusses), then you need to save at a rate exceeding public spending, which means a negative interest rate. in this scheme, short-term spenders benefit over long-term savers.
>Even in capitalist societies with high inflation there is still investment"high inflation" is the term of scrutiny here. central banks are authorised certain rates of inflation to adapt to budgets. the bank of england and federal reserve set a rate of 2% for example, which is low inflation, so allows for saving. inflation is necessary, but high inflation is unreasonable.
>>2395369>>The main idea is that they cannot be used to acquire means of production, hire people to work with theses means, and then derive profit from selling what is produced.>yeah, so its a stupid idea (you tried to pay a kid to mow your lawn? go to gulag).And how does one derive profit from selling what the kid does when hiring a kid to mow one's own lawn.
>supply and demand also affect prices, which labour vouchers cant account for.Some schemes don't account for it, some schemes do it like Cockshott's, as was already stated in the post you reply to.
>>The classic Marxist assumption is a tendency that necessary labor time falls in the long run [.] So the classic Marxist assumption is deflation>this doesnt followWork time per unit produced going down and the thing is priced in time. What follows from that.
>you are missing the pointNope. What you say is no bigger problem for socialism than the threat of Slenderman or whatever. It's FUD. Socialism does not require
any private initiative to save income to then invest these savings into this or that. So your worries of the sort
B-b-but how will people save when there is high inflation so society can invest… are starting from an absurd premise.
>the bank of england and federal reserve set a rate of 2% for exampleAnd what if countries have 10 % inflation. You actually believe that such country does not have investments? If they do after all (spoiler alert: they do), then you need to adjust your thinking to observation.
>>2395407>And how does one derive profit from selling what the kid does when hiring a kid to mow one's own lawn.okay, so lets change the scenario. i have wood, nails a saw and a hammer. i build and sell birdhouses for a marginal profit (s/c+v) from the materials which i purchased. is this prohibited in your preferred scheme?
>Work time per unit produced going down and the thing is priced in timeyes, which implies inflation, or the increased volume of commodity production per allocated duration. deflation limits supply, which is an inverse phenomena. gold standards may lead to limited money supply due to a retention of value - thats why a currency must be flexible, yet not frivolous.
>socialism solves all problemsyeah, ive noticed this mindset
>And what if countries have 10 % inflation. You actually believe that such country does not have investments?they have less valuable investments. here's picrel, denoting highest rates of inflation per country. the biggest shitholes tend to have high inflation.
>>2391702>gesell himself appears to be an anti-communist proudhonisthe was finance minister of the shortlived bavarian socialist republic and was jailed on that account
>>2395716as keynes says, he was a market socialist (he supported worker-owned enterprises but free markets). not in spite of this, but directly consequent of this, he still retained his anti-communist sentiments, especially by the means of his radically individualist philosophy. he also sees proudhon as the true radical, while marxists to gesell are right-wingers.
>>2395438>i have wood, nails a saw and a hammer. i build and sell birdhousesRead again:
>>The main idea is that they cannot be used to acquire means of production, hire people to work with theses means, and then derive profit from selling what is produced.The requirements: means of production + hiring other people to work for you + selling the output. I don't see what's so hard to parse here. I believe a normal adult person without any prior reading of Marx or Smith or any other economist can tell what you are missing just from reading that banal sentence and then your
very special replies. In your first story (kid mowing your lawn) you forgot the bit with selling the output. In this second story you forgot the bit with hiring another person.
>>Work time per unit produced going down and the thing is priced in time>yes, which implies inflationDeflation.
>>socialism solves all problems>yeah, ive noticed this mindsetFabricating quotes to get mad about.
Can I ask you something: What percentage of posts in this thread is from you and have you ever been part of a book club IRL and tried to discuss on a serious level how you understand a thing you have been reading?
>>2395751i would say that its a very good introduction. as the comments mention however, it seems as if our currency systems already put this in place - even gesell's comments about subsidising motherhood have practical application.
>>2395750>In this second story you forgot the bit with hiring another person.i hire my young brother to build birdhouses for pocket money then make a profit from this small business by bringing the product to market. what now? my point is that as long as you have a medium of exchange, you will always be able to commoditise labour - but this mere fact is inoffensive to me because im not a totalitarian who wants a world of fixed values. labour vouchers fail because they presume a fixed and closed economy where "x hours" of labour counts as an imperishible good (this is similarly a grave mistake adam smith makes which marx corrects him on). in a market system of exchange, value is relative.
>Deflationheightened economic activity = inflation
suppressed economic activity = deflation
if the value of labour decreases, then this is proportional to greater output, and thus inflation of currency to facilitate circulation. conservatives think of this backwards, where they think inflation decreases value, but its the opposite. there is a natural rate of inflation proportional to output, therefore.
>What percentage of posts in this thread is from you most of the posts are from me
>have you ever been part of a book club IRL and tried to discuss on a serious level how you understand a thing you have been reading?why would i have to, when i can just read and take notes instead? i have searched online for academic milieus, but no one has any particular interest in classical economics today. i have spoken to leftypol users on discord VC before and that at least bridged a gap, and allowed me to articulate myself better.
>>2395812>i hire my young brother to build birdhouses for pocket money then make a profit from this small business by bringing the product to market. what now?Gulag. Actually AES has always had exceptions for really tiny businesses like that (e. g. family restaurants and hair dressers in Cuba).
>labour vouchers fail because they presume a fixed and closed economyAs has been said in
>>2394086 and again in
>>2395407 the prices are not necessarily fixed with these vouchers. Read Towards a New Socialism. But for the sake of argument we can assume fixed prices. That isn't the end of the world as long as we have alternative mechanisms at disposal, like limits per head, waiting queues for high-demand items, distinct allocation avenues for high-needs people. I'm not a fan of any of these but you are being hysterical.
>inflationAs has been said several times already: If necessary labor time for stuff
decreases and the stuff is priced in labor time, then the price of the stuff goes
down. If that is a common trend with consumer items, the utility of ten minutes worth of consumption points goes
up. That's deflation.
>>2395369>(you tried to pay a kid to mow your lawn? go to gulag). in today's economy, "means of production" can also refer to something like a PC, if you make your living online.lol no
>>2395878>Actually AES has always had exceptions for really tiny businesses like thatChina even has exceptions for really big business that are not socially important, in developing industries, still subject to market competition, not yet monopolies, and then nationalizes when they do become important socially, when they develop into monopolies etc.
>>2395926>China even has exceptions for really big business that are not socially importantlike in the west; we have the public sector and private sector
>>2395878>Actually AES has always had exceptions for really tiny businesses like thatthat shows marginal rationality
>the prices are not necessarily fixed with these vouchersutopian socialists like robert owen and josiah warren set up labour vouchers for direct and fixed exchange in "time stores" in order to create rational markets, but evidently, this model was uncompetitive - my claim is that its because markets require flexible exchange rates. so i am just drawing from historical examples. if we otherwise accept that embodied labour perishes at the rate of SNLT (the rate of supply), then "labour vouchers" cannot measure anything except the value of commodities in general, which just turns vouchers into money. the stipulation of labour vouchers therefore entail the fixed rate of exchange for labour time, and presumably, its accumulation via saving. i'll read through cockshott's book in the meantime.
>But for the sake of argument we can assume fixed prices. That isn't the end of the world as long as we have alternative mechanisms at disposal, like limits per head, waiting queues for high-demand items, distinct allocation avenues for high-needs people.yes, which is a reversion back to barter, as i have stated. smith's model of barter exchange also depends on a notion of direct labour time (corrected by ricardo's condition of "necessary" labour time). if you went to the store and you suddenly had to wait in a breadline, you wouldnt think things were good.
>If necessary labor time for stuff decreases and the stuff is priced in labor time, then the price of the stuff goes downyes.
>If that is a common trend with consumer items, the utility of ten minutes worth of consumption points goes up.yes.
That's deflation.
no it isnt; deflation is the limiting of the money supply - the lowering of value is proportionate to economic activity (and therefore circulation; i.e. say's law), so the raising of relative utility is a process of inflation by increased consumption. deflation would mean a decrease in production, so a decrease in utility.
Labor vouchers are retarfed because they presume that people acquire capital by amassing money lol
Capital is a quired by violence
Wouldn't labour vouchers be easy to circumvent? If they really stop capital accumulation, then people would just start trading in gold again.
Something interesting in Eritrea, they had a problem of black market money trading and foreign agents amassing a lot of the currency by trading them for dollars etc. so they announced that everyone had to bring in all their currency to trade it in for new currency and of course you'd have to have already declared it as income and all that. But I guess you wouldn't even have that problem at all when money goes completely digital which it pretty much is in the west. I guess that still doesn't keep people from doing black market trading in other goods or currencies.
>>2395994>like in the westno, not like in the west. in the west the public and private sector mix in everything, and public funding is appropriated by private entities, which in normal countries is called corruption. in china critical industries are controlled by the state through democratic management as well as the raw resource inputs into those industries. the most glaring example is of course the military industrial complex that places profit over defense which is why the west hasn't been able to actually win a war in nearly a century
>>2396107lets be basic about this:
inflation = depreciating currency (per unit)
deflation = appreciating currency (per unit)
if we translate this to commodity values, then depreciating value maps onto inflation - since inflation is required to facilitate the circulation of an increased supply of goods in the first place. deflation by comparison means a limited supply of currency, so there are less commodities to circulate. if value depreciates in proportion to productivity, then the depreciation of value means depreciation of money.
perhaps where you're confused is that inflation entails higher prices; this is what adam smith would call a commodity's "nominal value", which must be compared against its "real value", or the wage. if we adjust wages for inflation, we see the difference therefore; that inflation can exploit labour by substituting nominal value for real value. its all about proportion, then. REAL prices (exchange-values) should generally lower for the real price of labour.
>>2396621its a shame that you have lost the ability of rational argumentation after being corrected on a basic error, but hopefully you will recover soon enough. just in case your ignorance exceeds your stubbornness however, i will reiterate:
>positive rates of inflation = the lowering of the value of currency per unit<positive rates of productivity = the lowering of the value of commodities per unitthese are connected phenomena therefore, which is why inflation facilitates expanded circulation to feed production - real rates of inflation thus proceed the real rate of production, to meet the ends of profit. in other words, greater production necessitates greater consumption, which is a process of inflation. deflationary spirals like recessions or depressions occur due to opposite circumstances.
your mere empiricism confuses nominal prices for real prices as i have explained; to see the lowering of value is to compare the *proportion* of the wage to the relative price of a commodity (which is simple arithmetic; the real rate is determined by adjusting for inflation by division). an incredibly simple statistic is to even track rates of obesity, to show the real increase in rates of "consumption" per the stagnant wage of the US. even without the rise in wages, the value of commodities relative to labour still fall. the cumulative price increase of USD since 1945 is 1,685.92% (USD is 17 times less valuable), yet real GDP has risen 1,100%<
the consecutive trends of inflation and increased purchasing power are proven to be concurrent, thus, showing how rates of production and inflation positively co-relate.
This:
>>2395994<If necessary labor time for stuff decreases and the stuff is priced in labor time, then the price of the stuff goes down>yes.<If that is a common trend with consumer items, the utility of ten minutes worth of consumption points goes up.>yes.<That's deflation.>no it isntIs literally the Patrick meme.
🫵YOU ARE LITERALLY THE PATRICK MEME.
>>2397081its a shame that you have lost the ability of rational argumentation after being corrected on a basic error
>>2398974Before you attempt to analyze it, can you give a definition of inflation? Be concise.
>>2399006>inflation is the expansion of the money supplyLOL no.
Here is the definition:
Inflation is the price increase of a basket of products (possibly including some services) during some interval, usually a year. (Different basket compositions will show different results. This ambiguity is unavoidable.)
Notice how this describes an effect and just that? Not what factors into it happening, not what is affected by it, just what it is. First you need to nail down what it even is that you want to analyze.
You might think that
expansion of the money supply has an inflationary effect. That would not be a definition of inflation, but a belief about a causal relationship. Note that you haven't established that
only an expansion of the money supply has an inflationary effect, so if money expansion is not the only cause of inflation, you have a rather confusing pseudo-definition here. And money expansion isn't the only cause!
I will be back in ~8 hours.
>>2399030>Inflation is the price increase of a basket of products nominal* price increases
real prices decline with inflation matching production.
>Notice how this describes an effect and just that?right, and i am citing the cause of the effect. there is no other way that all prices across an economy can rise, since nominal prices are proportionate to the unit of currency in use. this is why deflation can occur with a limited supply, but inflation cannot. another term for inflation is "depreciation" or "debasement", which is recorded throughout history, with roman fiat currency being a popular example (which marx rebukes on the basis that fiat currency de-commodifies the medium of exchange, which is one of his errors).
>You might think that expansion of the money supply has an inflationary effect.its not an opinion; its a fact.
>And money expansion isn't the only cause!it is today (which is why you arent citing counter-examples). in the past, a currency may naturally depreciate however, if it is held as a commodity with a market value. this would naturally raise prices, unless fiat mandates are put in place to fix exchange rates for unequal values. this de-commodifies currency however, so it is no longer an unequal exchange of values, which resolves the irreciprocal relationship.
>>2399050>it is today (which is why you arent citing counter-examples)It is not. Capitalism is inherently inflationary. You have a bunch of bubbles existing concurrently, which inflate among other things their employees' wages, which in turn inlfates service sector wages, which in turn inflates prices everywhere.
"Inflation happens only when you print money" is a joke understanding of economics
>>2399087How do these bubbles happen if not by money printing?
>>2399087>Capitalism is inherently inflationary.yes; increased production requires increased consumption; M-C-M'.
>"Inflation happens only when you print money" is a joke understanding of economicsmonetary inflation matches rates of production to sustain consumption, otherwise we would have deflation, which causes crises. how can you have "inflation" without a growing money supply, if the values of commodities are concurrently lowering? this is why you have to look at the difference between nominal and real prices. nominal prices rise as real prices fall. this means that although USD is worth less, it still has more purchasing power per capita of wages.
>>2399093marx already saw how credit-capital was inherent to the structure of modern production, by supplying money in advance for the promise of repayment. there is no capital without an expanded money supply.
>>2399094>how can you have "inflation" without a growing money supplyDude, it's just credit. It's not real money supply, even
Here:
>>2399096 The dude has it right
You are confusing joke level of understanding economics - printing money means inflation - for the complex situation of expansion of capital alongside necessary expansion of money supply to service the increase in capital
>values of commodities are concurrently loweringCapitalist economies were doing just fine when housing was affordable, you know?
>>2399232>It's not real money supply, evenWhat does this mean, even?
>>2399232>Dude, it's just credit. It's not real money supply, evenHow isnt printing money, which is then funneled to inflate assets, not inflationary?
Can you ELI5 it, from the start, for someone who has zero knowledge of economics?
>>2399030 (me)
Back again.
You might ask:
Surely more money chasing after the same amount of goods is inflationary, so why isn't it simply the quantity of money relative to the available goods that makes inflation? And isn't that less ambiguous than the measure of a product basket, which can be composed in a million different ways?Well, the "quantity of money" is ambiguous because there are different definitions of money, is it just cash or other means of payment. I have money in the bank, but I can't use all of it instantly. So, one can draw the border between money and non-money in different ways yielding different quantities: M0, M1, M2…
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Money_supplyThere is another issue than quantity. Very simple example: Suppose that among a group of 1000 kids, 500 acts of one selling to another happen over the course of a year, each time the price is exactly $1, paid on the spot with a $1 coin. How many coins are needed for this?
Scenario 1: Kid 1 buys from kid 2, kid 2 uses the acquired coin to buy from kid 3, kid 3 then uses the same coin to buy from kid 4 and so on. So a single $1 coin is sufficient. Scenario 2: 500 of these kids are sellers (of one item each), 500 are buyers (of one item each). For these trades to happen requires 500 $1 coins. Note how the price level is the same in the two scenarios, even though the money supply is 500 times bigger in the second! This is due to
money velocity.
To think clearly about money chasing after goods requires a concept of speed. Suppose I'm the king of a country and I own the money printer. If I print a ton without telling anyone and just let that ton sit idly in a secret storage room, that has no inflationary effect.
So is "money (however defined) × velocity" a good alternative measure for inflation? Not really because this is incomplete. You have to relate this to the physical amount of stuff available.
This is all super-basic. I haven't said anything clever or original here that is in dispute between economists from 200 years ago and today, whether mainstream or Austrian or Marxist or whatever.
>>2399232>Dude, it's just credit. It's not real money supply.its the same difference. money is created by the issuing of credit, which transfers money into the account of debtors. money is then held as a debt to be paid back (in taxes).
>printing money means inflation - for the complex situation of expansion of capitalwhich is *exactly* what i have written many times; that the rate of inflation is tracked from the rate of production to sustain rates of consumption. you even linked my own post as a way to correct me.
>>2399484when i speak of the money supply increasing, it implies money in circulation, or money which is used for consumption. as you say, potential money only becomes actual in the process of exchange - yet, do savings not have a limiting effect on supply due to their accountancy? savings then act as potential money, which is why QE lowers the value of savings. as keynes writes, there is a time-frame to monetary expansion therefore, which can undercut competition (akin to insider trading). this indeed relates to velocity as it concerns the marginality of investment. the early investor in a successful company is rewarded for this foresight, for example. the initial acceleration sets the rate of future velocity, where, like with inflation, the government's own spending retains value over the depreciated currency after the fact - like how with UK monetary decimilisation in the 70s, the early transition allowed businesses to round up prices, before markets stabilised. this only proves my point though; that with the influx of currency, the earlier investment is always more valuable than the later - so an expansion of money in a system receives an initial marginal utility, but at a certain rate, it incurs diminished returns. this depreciating value is inflation, which keynes properly calls a tax on currency holders.
>>2399030 (me)
>Inflation is the price increase of a basket of products>>2399050>nominal* price increasesThanks for the correction. I did not know this. When I want to know what the inflation level is, I usually use inflation-corrected prices for my basket of goods. No more! Your trenchant insight changes everything. Putting the emoji here in case you have autism: 🙄
>i am citing the cause of the effect. there is no other wayThere is more than one single cause, it is the interaction of money quantity, money velocity, and what is physically produced. That's just econ101. It is even more complicated than that, actually.
>>2399686no, keynes is quite correct.
>>2399909>it is the interaction of money quantity, money velocity, and what is physically producedin standard logic, these would be "predicates" of an "economy", so are presupposed variables. seems like you are prolonging a futile debate. what am i wrong about, exactly? that i wasnt specific enough in my diagnosis of inflation? i provide a greater summary here:
>>2399605which is a direct reply you've failed to respond to. to speak analytically of the matter however, an expansion of the money supply can never deflate economies, but only inflate them, so the statement in itself is correct; inflation is directly caused by the production of money. this is why the expansion of the money supply leads to depreciation, as we can verify from historical examples, like ancient rome. a very interesting anthropological case is also relevant, where shells used as currency were purposefully scarce ["the bitcoin standard", chapter 2], and so extraction of them took a long journey (simulating mining costs, which someone like marx takes as money's labour value, rather than simply the determination of its scarcity, since marx imagines that money must itself be a commodity). the british using technology bought out certain communities by extracting more seashells than the natives - so the natives mistook the value of the seashell in the thing itself, rather than what it represented, like marx does with the gold standard - while smith at least admits of seashells being a legitimate medium of exchange; ["wealth of nations", chapter 4]. it seems that the ancient greeks were under no modern illusion about this though, since xenophon sees how gold and silver are interchangable in their use as money, and also sees how depreciation occurs from inflation ["on revenues", chapter 3-4]. aristotle also proposes a chartalist theory of money [nicomachaen ethics, book 5, chapter 5], which only seems to be rediscovered in the 20th century. the ancient roman fiat currency also proved their wisdom about the nature of money, which marx in his victorian enlightenment becomes blind to in his prejudice.
A: Being fat is when you eat donuts.
B: Other foods though?
A: Impossible to have any effect.
B: Hmm I believe it's intake of food, broader defined than just donuts, and lack of activity.
A: Normal logic defines these other factors to be given. Thus, fatness is measured in donuts. Donuts make you fat, therefore only donuts make you fat. There is no other way.
>>2400481what are the "other foods" in this scenario?
the expansion of the money supply chases after the expansion of production, as i have stated MANY times, yet the expansion of money as a singular factor still necessarily raises nominal prices across the board. shithole countries often fall into hyperinflation by printing money at an excess to social production, so even when nothing is being made, you can inflate.
and as i also say, if you just have "other foods" (increased production), yet no extra money, then you get DEFLATION - so in your analogy, donuts ARE the only thing which makes you fat; everything else makes you skinny. this is why the original claim that lowering labour values leads to deflation is true, *IF* the money supply is a fixed quantity, yet production depends on expanded consumption, so it cant be. more stuff = more money to buy more stuff: M-C-M'.
Wikpedia about inflation:
<In economics, inflation is an increase in the average price of goods and services in terms of money. This increase is measured using a price index, typically a consumer price index (CPI).https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/InflationKarl Marx about Patrick AKA "Smith Anon":
<Thus, when the industrial cycle is in the phase of crisis, a general fall in the price of commodities is expressed as a rise in the value of money, and, in the phase of prosperity, a general rise in the price of commodities, as a fall in the value of money. The so-called currency school concludes from this that with high prices too much, with low prices too little money is in circulation. Their ignorance and complete misunderstanding of facts are worthily paralleled by the economists, who interpret the above phenomena of accumulation by saying that there are now too few, now too many wage labourers.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch25.htm>>2401059from your quotation, it references "zur kritik" in the footnotes, so i searched there and found a reference to the currency school, in tandem with marx's disregard for ricardo's theories of currency stabilisation (where ricardo is cited as saying that paper is the perfect form of money). marx appears to discredit the currency school on the basis of the 1844 bank charter act, which granted monetary privileges to the bank of england. there was apparently a commercial crisis in 1857 which led to its temporary suspension - no detail by marx is given, though we may read other sources:
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Panic_of_1857the panic of 1857 has no reasonable attribution to a failure on the part of the currency school, and in fact, only proves them right in some capacity:
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bank_Charter_Act_1844>Although the Act required new notes to be backed fully by gold or government debt, the government retained the power to suspend the Act in case of financial crisis, and this in fact happened several times: in 1847 and 1857, and during the 1866 Overend Gurney crisis.so economic recovery was a monetary matter, which the limits of gold standards could not cover (the same as in the great depression). the limit of money then leads to crises - these are the real "facts".
>>2401059no you dont get it money is a magical force that is entirely separate from the material reproduction of society. labor doesn't create things money does!
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1859/critique-pol-economy/ch02c.htm<Mill's whole wisdom is reduced to a series of assumptions which are both arbitrary and trite. He wishes to prove that “it is the total quantity of the money in any country” which determines the price of commodities or the value of money. If one assumes that the quantity and the exchange-value of the commodities in circulation remain constant, likewise the velocity of circulation and the value of precious metals, which is determined by the cost of production, and if simultaneously one assumes that nevertheless the quantity of specie in circulation increases or decreases in relation to the volume of money existing in a country, then it is indeed “evident” that one has assumed what one has pretended to prove.Emphasis in original. It's even stronger in German: MEW 13, 155 (the last emphasis in the quote is not in the English version, but in the German, so I put it in). A neutral German wording for assume & assumption would be annehmen & Annahme, the vibe of unterstellen & Unterstellung, which is what Marx used, is neutral to negative. (For example, to say: Das ist eine Unterstellung! Really means: That is an allegation in bad faith!) And these words are emphasized through formatting.
Smith Anon, more like Mill Anon, AMIRITE FELLAS?
>>2401162perhaps you severely lack reading comprehension, but i have stated several times that inflation must track the rate of production to achieve efficacy. shithole countries print money and it only gets them into further poverty for this reason.
>>2401196marx thinks that gold and silver have magical properties, so it makes sense why he would bash british empiricism for being scientific. in zur kritik, he also spends time criticising hume and locke for assuming that money is a mere "symbol of value". he reproduces this criticism in capital vol. 1, chapter 2, where in footnote 11, he criticises fiat currency as a strategy of depreciation which attempts to de-commodify money. this is because marx's absurd value form dialectic depends upon money being a commodity, and without this, his system fails.
>mill anonmill was a liberal who also advocated for market socialism, so i would say the resemblance is there.
>>2401634yes, he even invokes "magic" into his thinking:
<"The truth of the proposition that, “although gold and silver are not by Nature money, money is by Nature gold and silver,” is shown by the fitness of the physical properties of these metals for the functions of money […] What appears to happen is, not that gold becomes money, in consequence of all other commodities expressing their values in it, but, on the contrary, that all other commodities universally express their values in gold, because it is money. The intermediate steps of the process vanish in the result and leave no trace behind. Commodities find their own value already completely represented, without any initiative on their part, in another commodity existing in company with them. These objects, gold and silver, just as they come out of the bowels of the earth, are forthwith the direct incarnation of all human labour. Hence the magic of money." [capital vol. 1, ch. 2] >>2401617>marx thinks that gold and silver have magical properties>capital vol. 1, chapter 2, where in footnote 11, he criticises fiat currencyWhether Marx was wrong on that or not, his position was exactly the opposite of assuming magical properties. Gold and silver are commodities, so he is describing money from the POV of the logic that applies to commodities. Hence when the fiat-money POV is contrasted with that other POV, that other POV is called commodity money. (It does not need to be a conflict, because the historical genesis of something and how it presently works can be very distinct even though we use the same name throughout, money.)
>>2401637>he even invokes "magic" into his thinkingHow do you have so much trouble reading any sort of metaphorical or ironic language.
<The truth of the proposition that, “although gold and silver are not by Nature money, money is by Nature gold and silver,” is shown by the fitness of the physical properties of these metals for the functions of moneyBecause the stuff is durable, measurable, divisible, portable.
<What appears to happen is, not that gold becomes money, in consequence of all other commodities expressing their values in it, but, on the contrary, that all other commodities universally express their values in gold, because it is money.Not what is, but how it appears to people. Right before that he refers to it as
false appearance. The metaphor here is magic as in stage magic: How the act appears to people is different from how it's done.
>>2401637I was looking for this coin, i found a silver one that's like 70GBP. is this a rip-off or okay price?
Looking through the coins was fun i think i might become a coin collector but just for soviet ones. is that a thing?
>>2401764>Gold and silver are commoditiesnot when they are money. the money token is de-commodified, which is why it can facilitate a seemingly unequal exchange, since it isnt value trading for value. the issue with this in applying it to marx is that marx sees how money as the "absolute commodity" is able to measure all commodities through its own value (by acting as universal equivalent). if money has no value however, then his value form (Xy = Yx) cannot develop itself into the money form. of course, we know now that money never progressively developed from a rude state of barter, so marx's analysis of money is bunk.
>Hence when the fiat-money POV is contrasted with that other POV, that other POV is called commodity moneymarx still thinks fiat money is a commodity; that is the source of his criticism;
<"Lawyers started long before economists the idea that money is a mere symbol, and that the value of the precious metals is purely imaginary [.] It was a maxim of the Roman Law that the value of money was fixed by decree of the emperor. It was expressly forbidden to treat money as a commodity."his point is that you cannot successfully de-commodify money, since the law of value still applies to coinage. an interesting case of this can be seen where it costs more than a penny in costs than to produce a penny at face value - this disconnect between nominal and real price shows the paradigm marx approaches, yet he could not see that it will never cost more than 1 dollar to produce 1 USD, so real value is preserved against nominal value in the long run. if we still had largely metal currencies, then fiat would indeed be hopeless.
>Right before that he refers to it as false appearance.so what *really* happens then?
>>2401775silver is silver, so just buy bulk from the royal mint (but in reality, silver collecting is a dead-end, only sustained by hopeless peasants; buy gold instead). i can speak of exchange value, but not your personal use value.
>>2401775Fair.
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yeah when marx talks about commodity fetish hes talking about real magic. marx was a wizard
>>2402324the fetishism of commodities is what he describes in the grundrisse as the subjectivity of value as it exists in the syllogism of production. he makes further comment in capital vol. 1 along these lines, that value is the social subject, and we are its means to an end;
<"In other words, the labour of the individual asserts itself as a part of the labour of society, only by means of the relations which the act of exchange establishes directly between the products, and indirectly, through them, between the producers. To the latter, therefore, the relations connecting the labour of one individual with that of the rest appear, not as direct social relations between individuals at work, but as what they really are, material relations between persons and social relations between things." [capital vol. 1, ch. 1, sct. 4]as per james mill's theory of productive consumption:
>>2374327 mere use-values are understood as ends in themselves (such as kant's categorical imperative), and so represent man's disalienation (immediacy) in relation to Nature. this is why marx sought to eradicate the medium of value, to enter man into his own self-relation. my criticism however:
>>2374542 is that man must always be negatively mediated, so i attempt to defend hegel contra marx in this respect, that self-realisation must be placed in "the other". the commodity form then suffices, yet is unconscious of its internal negativity, which todd mcgowan also criticises:
>>2390777the limits of value are then only in its subjectivity (not its "objectivity", as marxists would presume).
Normie economists believe that a currency collapse after war or natural disaster is because production collapsed. Patrick believes that it must mean the government is printing money like crazy.
Who is right?
>>2402379ur just mad that smith was a muggle
>>2402391the great depression was prolonged by opposite conditions, which is why recovery required an increase in the money supply to meet the potential for production. indeed, however, an unproductive societies only becomes poorer due to inflation since nominal prices outpace real prices.
>>2402401well, indeed, smith treats money as a mere medium of exchange (a "symbol of value" as per the british empiricist tradition), while marx treats money as a commodity with inherent value. both are wrong as to money's origins in barter however. as we may read from graeber and hudson respectively, money began as the representation of social debt, which is what it has come to similarly represent today. if money is a symbol of value and also a token of debt therefore, then value is a negative magnitude, or sublime disutility - this relates to the "sacrifice" of religious ceremony, where death connects us to the beyond. in organic reality, we must also kill another to survive, so life itself is mediated by the circulation of death (debt).
>>2401863>so what *really* happens then?Its right there
<gold becomes money, in consequence of all other commodities expressing their values in it>>2402985>marx treats money asHe is describing the historical development of money, and how it appears as a fetish under capitalism, hes not proposing rules of how the economy must be.
>this relates to the "sacrifice" of religious ceremonyIs this what you think Marx claims or is that what you think? Because it sure sound like you believe so deeply in the fetish that you are incapable of seeing it. You are right about one thing though, capitalism is a death cult.
>>2401764>How do you have so much trouble reading Convenient isn't it. Unfortunately for anon people have eyes.
>>2402985Is that the smith anon? Has he now switched to being a debt retard? I give it 1 year max before he starts quoting hayek
>>2403032value = negative magnitude = debt
that is the practical reality we live in today
>>2403023<gold becomes money, in consequence of all other commodities expressing their values in itright, so commodities of their own accord, become inherently related as values, just like to marx, gold and silver are the incarnations of human labour. following from marx's earlier comments, he sees how man is a means to an end, while value is an end in itself, and so is self-acting. marx even personifies commodities;
<"In that world the productions of the human brain appear as independent beings endowed with life, and entering into relation both with one another and the human race. So it is in the world of commodities with the products of men’s hands [.] Could commodities themselves speak, they would say: Our use value may be a thing that interests men. It is no part of us as objects. What, however, does belong to us as objects, is our value. Our natural intercourse as commodities proves it. In the eyes of each other we are nothing but exchange values." [capital vol. 1, ch. 1, sct. 3]this is not figurative; marx's hegelian philosophy leads him to believe that value is the real social subject:
<"In other words, the labour of the individual asserts itself as a part of the labour of society, only by means of the relations which the act of exchange establishes directly between the products, and indirectly, through them, between the producers. To the latter, therefore, the relations connecting the labour of one individual with that of the rest appear, not as direct social relations between individuals at work, but as what they really are, material relations between persons and social relations between things." [capital vol. 1, ch. 1, sct. 4]michael heinrich calls this "impersonal domination"
>He is describing the historical development of moneyno he isnt, since he provides no historical sources; he is building a progressive logic from the standpoint of the elementary value form. smith provides historical examples [wealth of nations, ch. 4] so is less mystified.
>hes not proposing rules of how the economy must be. yes he is; thats why he wants to overcome value - value to marx is present even when no one knows it, like his discourse on aristotle (which is even a misinterpretation, but still communicates marx's meaning). again, value to marx is a social subject.
>Is this what you think Marx claims or is that what you think? its what i know.
>capitalism is a death cult.life itself is a death cult.
>>2403037>value = negative magnitude = debtthat is the practical reality we live in today
Kek, quote at the end fits, you should kill yourself
>>2403042money is a representation of debt and it always was. im sorry that you are offended by reality.
>shithole countries often fall into hyperinflation by printing money at an excess to social production, so even when nothing is being made, you can inflate.
Lolbert argument
>>2403054what exactly is the counter-argument? that printing money over the rate of production doesnt cause inflation?
>>2403055do you how money is created? it is created by credit, which issues a debt. money is held as a debt, therefore.
>>2399243>>2399232<It's not real money supply, even>What does this mean, even?Every going to explain this, then?
>>2403095
I didnt say anything about capitalists using inflation, the argument about how "shitholes are shitholes because the government (which is socialism ofc lol) keeps printing money uhh Venezuela, Zimbabwe!!1!1
however is pure austrian econ, monetary theory of nonsense.
>>2403108>shitholes are shitholes because the government keeps printing money uhh Venezuela, Zimbabwe!!1!1this is true though
what is your counter-argument?
>>2403115>this is true though what is your counter-argument?You made the argument that it's true, not me you retard
>>2403121if there is no argument to the contrary, then the proposition is true - therefore, what i said is correct.
>>2403130wrong retard. burden of proof is always on the one making the claim. you made the claim so you have to PROVE that it was money printing that ruined Venezeula and Zimbabwe.
>>2403140do you even understand that harsh sanctions on venezuela were implemented starting in 2014? gee right at the point when inflation starts spiking super drastically?
>>2403142right, so there is a declining supply of goods coinciding with increased inflation which contributes to poverty - exactly as i have stated many times. china still trades with venezuala though:
https://oec.world/en/profile/bilateral-country/chn/partner/venan interesting result is that venezuala's main import from china is motorcycles, while of course, venezuala's main export is petroleum. if venezuala could really recover though, the CIA should kill maduro (they have been close, recently) since he has been caught stealing another election:
>Venezuela's Nicolás Maduro has been sworn in for a third term as president, six months after disputed elections which the opposition and international community say he lost.https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cp8qn9qpl1goanother 6 years of pain.
>>2403149so it wasn't money printing and you agree it was American shenanigans causing the inflation thanks
>>2402391>Normie economists believe that a currency collapse after war or natural disaster is because production collapsed.>>2402985>the great depression was prolonged by*record scratch*
How is it possible for somebody from this planet to read that scenario as being about the Great Depression?
>>2403202the great depression was largely caused by bank runs where fractional bank reserves were emptied out and so all the money vanished. it was largely a monetary phenomenon. no money then meant no consumption, and so a declined productive capability. thats why the new deal was largely oriented around redistribution, to stimulate the economy, with keynes as advisor. during the great recession of 2008, there was a quicker recovery since you can just print money.
>>2403202>Normie economists believe that a currency collapse after war or natural disaster is because production collapsed. Patrick believes that it must mean the government is printing money like crazy.>Who is right?>>2402985>the great depression was prolonged by…>>2403213>How is it possible for somebody from this planet to read that scenario as being about the Great Depression?>>2403213>the great depression was…Are you having a stroke?
>>2403149would you say that forcing others to participate in humiliating you for your own sexual gratification without their consent is in line with the categorical imperative?
>>2403725well, the categorical imperative is about uniting freedom and necessity in the notion of duty, which is a free act which must nonetheless be performed; in this, man becomes an end in-himself (many misinterpret kant as being an unconditional humanist in this respect, but he clearly stipulates that only the ethical man is an end in-himself, as he writes in "prologemena to any future metaphysics").
the use of force against another would violate the categorical imperative, since kant further stipulates the moral law as individually granted and voluntary - so involuntary activity would be unethical, since this would be a means to an end rather than an end in-itself. a reasonable creature can only be granted his own freedom from his self-possession (what can be related to aristotle's notion of αὐτάρκεια) - while an irrational creature is a natural slave (δούλος). this then makes them conditional, rather than unconditional being. we arrest criminals because they lose reason, for example - so this is where force is granted; as a condition against the self-enslaved, thus.
the contingency of evil can also be understood as improperly partaking in the good - such that kant understands that "diabolical evil" (evil as an end in-itself) is impossible. if we extrapolate from evil then, we can apply a speculative imperative toward its own ends; if everyone stole, where would we be? if everyone lied of murdered or raped, what would the world look like? etc. this is why evil is purely conditional. marquis de sade of course counters kant's notion by taking evil as an end in-itself. todd mcgowan also says that modern subjectivity allows for the possibility of unconditional evil, but i disagree, since even the most evil man still strives to preserve himself. this is practical reason, in effect.
in his article "confiscation and the homestead principle" [1969], murray rothbard, following the "homestead principle" (what in lockean terms is "appropriation" by labour), comes to some interesting conclusions, such as advocating for common ownership of land, worker ownership of factories and even racial reparations:
https://panarchy.org/rothbard/confiscation.htmlhe begins thusly,
<"The principle in the Communist countries should be: land to the peasants and the factories to the workers, thereby getting the property out of the hands of the State and into private, homesteading hands. The homesteading principle means that the way that unowned property gets into private ownership is by the principle that this property justly belongs to the person who finds, occupies, and transforms it by his labor."he sees the reappropriation of property (or the expropriation of expropriators) as an imperative aspect of this right of labour:
<"any property in the hands of the State is in the hands of thieves, and should be liberated as quickly as possible. Any person or group who liberates such property, who confiscates or appropriates it from the State, is performing a virtuous act and a signal service to the cause of liberty."the question then arises, who is granted the right of the homesteaded property?
<"Take, for example, the State universities. This is property built on funds stolen from the taxpayers. Since the State has not found or put into effect a way of returning ownership of this property to the taxpaying public, the proper owners of this university are the “homesteaders”, those who have already been using and therefore “mixing their labor” with the facilities [.] This means student and/or faculty ownership of the universities."rothbard here directly states that property should belong to those who use it. he continues, stating that any entity which has government funding rightfully belongs to the public, since they pay for it:
<"Columbia University, for example, which receives nearly two-thirds of its income from government, is only a “private” college in the most ironic sense. It deserves a similar fate of virtuous homesteading confiscation […] But we must face the fact that it might prove the most practical route to first nationalize the property as a prelude to redistribution."after this, he begins to discuss slavery:
<"[in russia, 1861] The land should have gone to the serfs themselves, for under the homestead principle they had tilled the land and deserved its title. Furthermore, the serfs were entitled to a host of reparations from their masters for the centuries of oppression and exploitation. The fact that the land remained in the hands of the lords paved the way inexorably for the Bolshevik Revolution, since the revolution that had freed the serfs remained unfinished."rothbard is making striking remarks; that the bolsheviks were rectifying an historical exploitation, which should have been resolved by reparations from feudal lords. he then makes extrapolation to the negro slaves of the US, citing contemporary issues as directly causal to their lack of compensation from slavery:
<"The same is true of the abolition of slavery in the United States. The slaves gained their freedom, it is true, but the land, the plantations that they had tilled and therefore deserved to own under the homestead principle, remained in the hands of their former masters. Furthermore, no reparations were granted the slaves for their oppression out of the hides of their masters. Hence the abolition of slavery remained unfinished, and the seeds of a new revolt have remained to intensify to the present day. Hence, the great importance of the shift in Negro demands from greater welfare handouts to “reparations”, reparations for the years of slavery and exploitation and for the failure to grant the Negroes their land, the failure to heed the Radical abolitionist’s call for “40 acres and a mule” to the former slaves. In many cases, moreover, the old plantations and the heirs and descendants of the former slaves can be identified, and the reparations can become highly specific indeed."rothbard does not blame the negro for his own plight thus, but sees his struggle as one responding to historical inequalities (such as what led to the bolshevik revolution, but which should be solved by other means). he ends his article thus:
<"It is justice vs. injustice, innocence vs. criminality that must be our major libertarian focus."to me, this article is quite startling in its radical consistency to liberal values, from foundations in locke and original property. to me, marx's description of "primitive accumulation" and his consequent notion of expropriating expropriators [capital vol. 1, ch. 32] can be recontextualised in a liberal light, therefore, where a people whose property was stolen by the capitalist state must be returned to them.
>>2403166not mutually exclusive with the other anon's argument
>>2408636yes it is, since the anon imagines largescale inflation has a cause besides money printing - which he has never offered an alternative explanation for. if we take the fact that money printing can only inflate and never deflate an economy, then the cause is explained.
>>2408636No you see something that is a relationship between several elements, elements we observe to be all variable, is only changing by the change in one of the elements while the other elements stay fixed; which is not what we observe, but we can certainly imagine it to be so, and isn't that what science is all about. And the very ease of imagining this most simple scenario as compared to the more complicated ones makes it appear all the more stark in our minds and thus it is the scenario that wins as the most sciencinematically convincing if you are a serious scientist such as myself.
>>2409149>is only changing by the change in one of the elements while the other elements stay fixedprinting money only changes the accounting it does not change the underlying material factor that it accounts for. this is the problem with every type of bourgeois idealism. it abstracts all variables as independently equal and interchangeable conceiving of them as objects in themselves separated from their material relations when they are actually in completely different registers of abstraction and interdependent. insisting that printing money causes inflation isn't a scientific assertion its a political choice to elevate idealism above reality. it would be fine/more honest to admit that its both either depending on the scope of inquiry but you aren't doing that because you want to say your perspective is more correct when its deliberately narrow to the exclusion of a materialist understanding of the economy
>>2409426>printing money only changes the accounting it does not change the underlying material factor that it accounts for.today, 1(x) = 1 USD
tomorrow, 1(x) = 2 USD
theres your accounting for a 100% rate of expansion
>insisting that printing money causes inflation isn't a scientific assertion its a political choice to elevate idealism above realityanswer this; if i double the money supply in circulation, will prices go up? yes they will, by double.
>materialist understanding of the economymoney is a unit, which if it doubles in quantity, then it doubles in ratio to the goods in society [2x:y]. is this not a "material" understanding of things? just follow marx's value form equation of youre confused - [x:y]
>>2410157>is this not a "material" understanding of things?if you say printing money "causes" inflation then no. inflation is a downstream effect of overproduction crisis and an incorrect liberal understanding of the economy. its treating the symptoms instead of identifying the root cause, which is the TRPF, because to do so would admit marx is correct. money cannot create new value it can only account for existing value differently.
What does Marx say about crises in the reproduction of labour?
https://www.reddit.com/r/stupidpol/comments/1mebo6m/my_career_is_in_nonprofits_trumps_budget/The post quoted concerns an impending 200 billion cut to SNAP as part of Trump's government cutbacks.
I've been reading Harvey's limits to capital and from memory he summarises the view that by forcing labour into a condition in which its reproduction is below the means of subsistence effectively devalues it as a commodity, leading to a temporary rise in profit.
Is this correct?
>>2410157>money is a unit, which if it doubles in quantity, then it doubles in ratio to the goods in society [2x:y]No. For that to happen, printed money has to actually escape the bubble. If all your printed money is tied up in gibs for corporations, that money cannot be spent on consumer goods, therefore no consumer goods inflation
>>2411000>if you say printing money "causes" inflation then noanswer this question - if every person's bank account doubled overnight, what would happen to prices? would they go up? if yes, then expanding the money supply *causes* inflation.
>money cannot create new value it can only account for existing value differently.today, 1(x) = 1 USD
tomorrow, 1(x) = 2 USD
notice how the only change in value is USD. USD is losing value, while (x) is preserving value. value is not being created, its being diminished.
>>2411171yes, since profits are a subtraction from potential wages.
>>2411711>For that to happen, printed money has to actually escape the bubbleright, so lets say all bank accounts double in size overnight - what happens to prices?
>>2411928>what would happen to prices? it doesn't really matter if prices go up if people can afford it. the reason they cant is because the material cause of inflation is the crisis of overproduction. its not how many permission tickets account for the value of labor, its how they are distributed. and printing money doesn't change the distribution of value under a capitalist state, keynesian or otherwise, because the state works for capital. the problem here is you are taking price for granted as some sort of fundamental, the same mistake you make when "correcting" marx which only betrays your inability to understand economics more generally. it is labor that is fundamental to the economy not price.
oh wait i forgot speedometers actually make cars go faster
>>2412011>it doesn't really matter if prices go upthat was the entire topic of discussion you disingenuous fool. inflation is the rising of prices, and an expansion of money in circulation causes prices to rise - you are even admitting it indirectly, so your impotent protest against common sense has only wasted everyone's time, hasnt it?
>>2411928>if every person's bank account doubled overnight, what would happen to prices? would they go up?That question is contingent on whether there is a corresponding increase or decrease in production. This is why monetarism is so retarded. It posits that production can only stay the same or decrease, or it blames inflation during a special time of decreased production (ex. like say during an oil embargo) solely on government monetary policy when there are external factors.
>>2412055>That question is contingent on whether there is a corresponding increase or decrease in productionno it isnt. expanded money supply can only raise prices and never decrease them. its a necesary fact.
>>2412171so you have given up on any counter-arguments? at least i have a marginal victory in any case. but then again, any child who's learned about ratios is able to tell you what i have plainly communicated.
>>2412097I really hate that I'm looking for work now.
>>2412055>This is why monetarism is so retarded. It posits that production can only stay the same or decrease, or it blames inflation during a special time of decreased production (ex. like say during an oil embargo) solely on government monetary policyThat is the point of it. It's not an investigation leading to certain political conclusions, it is a "theory" constructed with these polemical conclusions as a goal.
This is the ideology of the batshitinsane main "contributor" of this dogshit thread and the past threads in this series.
>>2412246you complain by fearfully sageposting with your idiot in arms, yet you have no actual counter-argument 🤣
i will ask again; if the money supply in circulation doubles, will prices rise relative to their previous rate? yes or no? you cant answer it, because you are self-evidently incorrect. just give up, already. you lost.
>>2412258Love the fact that you tried to pass off an oil embargo as a consequence quantitative easing in a Political Economy thread
Why are you even here
>>2412175Ok I'll bite. Here's an example of the money supply doubling but prices going down due to increased supply.
https://www.in2013dollars.com/Televisions/price-inflation
>>2412300But they didn't have televisions in 1635 you stupid Marxist.
Another win for the monetarists!
Basic definition of inflation:
>>2399030Basic description of multiple factors for inflation:
>>2399484>>2412258^You, the main protagonist of this thread, are moving the goalpost from:
inflation is
ALWAYS ONLY caused by increasing the money supply
see here:
>>2395994>deflation is the limiting of the money supplyand here:
>>2399006>inflation is the expansion of the money supplyto:
inflation is
NOWADAYS ONLY caused by increasing the money supply
see here:
>>2399050>>And money expansion isn't the only cause!>it is todayto now:
inflation is
ALSO caused by increasing the money supply
>if the money supply in circulation doubles, will prices rise relative to their previous rate?Now if you go back to the post tagged here with "description of multiple factors", you will see that quantity is one of the factors already in there.
>>2412299>still no counter-argumentkeep crying and denying
>>2412300>television pricesif the money supply in circulation doubled overnight, what would happen to television prices? would they rise or fall? this hasnt been answered yet.
>>2412396<multiple factors of inflation>volume of moneyright, so you agree with me.
>velocity of moneyi already addressed this with a keynesian theory of marginal utility:
>>2399605>shifting the goalpostsnot at all; you just lack reading comprehension where it concerns the continuity of my argument - give me a specific objection you hold against my positions if you wish to disagree.
>>2412306marx agrees with me though? 🤔🤣
>A general rise in the prices of commodities can result only, either from a rise in their values — the value of money remaining constant — or from a fall in the value of money, the values of commodities remaining constant. On the other hand, a general fall in prices can result only, either from a fall in the values of commodities — the value of money remaining constant — or from a rise in the value of money, the values of commodities remaining constant. It therefore by no means follows, that a rise in the value of money necessarily implies a proportional fall in the prices of commodities; or that a fall in the value of money implies a proportional rise in prices. Such change of price holds good only in the case of commodities whose value remains constant. With those, for example, whose value rises, simultaneously with, and proportionally to, that of money, there is no alteration in price. And if their value rise either slower or faster than that of money, the fall or rise in their prices will be determined by the difference between the change in their value and that of money; and so on.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmincreasing the volume of money decreases its value, which causes prices to fluctuate for commodities at the relative rate of their production. of course, marx still understands monetary value incorrectly, but its still applicable to common sense.
>>2412621>you agree with meIf you say now that you agree with post
>>2399484 why did you disagree the first time you replied to it? Have you changed your mind or do you just lack reading comprehension?
>>2412641where do i disagree…?
you are hallucinating.
>>2412623>marx agrees with me though? 🤔🤣>>A general rise in the prices of commodities can result only, either from a rise in their values — the value of money remaining constant — or from a fall in the value of money, the values of commodities remaining constant.You might not be familiar with exotic terms like "either" and "or", but the way they work in the English language is that they are used when the speaker wants to refer to different possibilities. Marx is clearly talking about two causes of inflation here and not one cause like you. And he is just assuming fixed velocity for simplicity of exposition and a couple paragraphs later drops that assumption. Marx says in the same chapter: "
These three factors, however, state of prices, quantity of circulating commodities, and velocity of money-currency, are all variable."
>>2412650>where do i disagree…?You: "there is no other way that all prices across an economy can rise" referring to issuing currency as the ONLY cause of inflation. But who knows, you seem very flexible in what you believe. You get any sort of pushback and you will pretend to have always agreed on the importance of other factors. And a few minutes later, you are back to pretending that inflation is exhaustively explained by printing money.
>>2412246yeah glad im not the only one that noticed. careful hes gonna type a book at you
>>2412966>Mises Institute >Hitler was left wingHilarious that Libertarians aren't aware Mises worked for the Austrian fascists.
>>2412674>two factors of inflationyes, as i have stated repeatedly:
>>2397081>real rates of inflation thus proceed the real rate of production>>2399605>the rate of inflation is tracked from the rate of production>>2401617>i have stated several times that inflation must track the rate of production>>2403082>what exactly is the counter-argument? that printing money over the rate of production doesnt cause inflation?>>2403166>its money printing in relation to the rate of production, as i have stated many timesthe point on money volume being an unconditional or constant factor is that money printing can only move in one direction, while production competes against it. increased volume expands; it doesnt contract. thats why doubling the money supply *necessarily* raises prices, which cannot be admitted for some reason.
>disagreement<is not actually a reply to the post in questionregardless, i dont actually disagree with your point on the volume and velocity of money, do i? you cant provide a single counter-argument, so why keep up this artificial rivalry?
>>2413140if the money supply doubled, would prices rise?
>>2413382The answer is: "it depends on other factors" not "yes" and not "no" ffs how braindead are you?
>>2413451if everyone in the world was given a million dollars right now, would prices rise in the next month?
>>2412674 is quoting Marx: "These
three factors, however, state of prices, quantity of circulating commodities, and velocity of money-currency, are all variable."
>>2413381 replies:
>>two factors>yes >>2413516velocity of money is a factor of relative volume. thats the keynesian point. the marginal utility of stimulation is on the side of the government since they buy the shop floor before the inflated standard of price is put up for new stock. i relate this to britain's monetary decimalisation in the 70s:
>>2399605you can think of it by ratio, where an early investor who buys up market share for a successful company uses capital more efficiently than the late investor who puts forward the same amount, since it is the earlier rates of velocity which sets future rates of acceleration.
The world bank is visiting an energy site in Indonesia in a few hours where I am taking measurements so they will ask me a question or two.
Meanwhile I am reading Hudson's super imperialism book currently.
What is a quirky comment I should make to them?
>>2418926did you get to speak to them?
>>2430419yes and no.
money is used literally and symbolically in the gospels.
in the lords prayer, we are told to forgive our debtors so that they may forgive us; this obviously relates to sin. its the same way that "archon" refers to both worldly and spiritual rulers. as it is written, the love of money is the root of all evil; money is said to belong to caesar, and the beast with seven heads is rome with its seven hills. kaisar nero is 666, antichrist. Jesus whips the moneylenders since they turn the house of God into a den of thieves and Jesus says that a rich man may not go to heaven (in direct reference to worldly treasures versus heavenly treasures). so to Jesus, money is certainly the symbol of sin, and debts are unforgiveness of transgression.
>>2413468idk because that didn't happen and i can't observe it
>>2430468it concerns a priori knowledge, so it doesnt have to be observed.
>>2426692why he got bird face
>>2431907I have such a soft spot for Hudson even though he's anti-Marxist in his history books.
>>2432617how?
>>2432707who cares? if hudson is wrong, he can be proven wrong.
>>24319071hour 6minutes in and this has been an astonishingly good video!
>>2343354Listen to Hudson in this video:
>>2431907 he goes out of his way to say how the international banking system was created by the catholic church to service war debts, and not by "the jews" and yet you level this unfounded accusation of antisemitism at him so lazily without even listening to him. In fact he goes out of his way to point out just as David Graeber did that Jews only became implicated in usury precisely because Medieval Christendom discriminated against them by disallowing them to have normal jobs, till soil, own land, etc. effectively pigeonholing them into tax collection and finance on behalf of the secular kings, and then expelling dispossessing, and/or killing them when they were no longer useful for this purpose. Hudson accurately explains the history of antisemitism but his exposition of how international banking systems developed out of servicing crusader war debts and the debts of secular lords engaged in feudal warfare with each other offends you and strikes you as "antisemitic" for some reason.
>>2391805
>this anon correctly intuits the immanent antisemitism which attaches itself to a notion of parasitism via unproductive labour.oh fuck right off.
>>2434528you appear to entirely miss my reasoning. the affinity of the national socialists with silvio gesell's monetary policy come from the common symptom of treating surplus value as mere interest, which renders profits as rents on labour, rather than a genuine surplus product. when people entirely criticise rentiers and parasites therefore, they tread on ground laid by antisemites. the alternative discourse is to then defend parasitism and unproductive labour on the basis of its usefulness. i have cited adam smith in this respect, but i elaborate somewhat from my own feelings here;
>>2431906>parasites are actually necessary for a balanced ecosystem, as well in some cases, providing symbiosis (same way bacteria is good for us, and too much hygeine can cause sickness). "value creation" is colloquially treated positively, as a quasi-newtonian conservation of energy by marxists and conservatives alike (as per the "laws of motion" of capital), but value can actually be formulated as a negative magnitude of disutility, as i explain in more detail here: >>2390777 this negative utility thus incurs an unstable sublimity, like sacrificial rites, so it isnt a good in itself. the most valuable labour is in effect, the most useless therefore (which is why the rich are equally useless).smith's criticism of class society also sees profits as the enemy of prosperity, as opposed to rents, as it is incorrectly conjectured (by people like michael hudson). for this reason, smith sees rents and wages rise simultaneously, while profits only rise at the expense of wages, and thence, profits are highest in the poorest countries while profits are lowest in the richest countries. the radical criticism of rents often leads to a converse justification of profits. anrisemitism never targets the industrialist, but only the banker.
>>2434712you use an overly abstract line of argumentation to shitcoat hudson as a nazi. stop.
These threads were good until the adam smith schizo appeared. Now it's just a playground for one self-important poster
>>2437365(rent free)
i was always here, so what is this golden age you are reminiscing about? lol.
>>2437349so who's in charge? politicians or bankers?
>>2437567Rent-free means being on someone's mind constantly
without effort. But you are posting your nonsense here every day (and have done so for how long?), literally the opposite of rent-free.
>>2438600Its almost been over a year I think and the worst part is he doesn't even stay in his containment thread. First time I encountered him he was wrecking some other unrelated thread with his idealism before these ones even started.
>>2437365I'm OP and I didn't think Smith Anon would take over but I'm kinda glad he did because it contains him.
>>2437370I just wanted an economics thread besides Cybercom
>>2411928>right, so lets say all bank accounts double in size overnight - what happens to prices?Nothing, if money doesn't escape the bubble.
>>2438600what nonsense have i posted? if you disagree with anything, you can form a rational argument instead of seething in silence, but besides this, i would advise you stop caring about random strangers on the internet. its not healthy to be so preoccupied.
>>2438642my first post was in the das kapital thread, where i correctly stated that marx had a commodity theory of money derived from barter exchange - and hundreds of angry responses later, all my detractors submitted to the facts presented, in gruelling spite of their pride. but this is the cycle; i say something true, people get mad, then eventually they surrender to truth. so all's well that ends well, i suppose. the proof is in the pudding, since if anyone had an actual argument against my positions, they would present them instead of only possessing impotent rage. as i say, rage is self-harm, so desisting from such egotism is healthy, by allowing oneself to be humble and civilised instead.
>>2438678right, so the volume of money in tandem with velocity is a direct cause for inflation, since the increase of money in supply lowers its relative value. i dont know why this self-evident fact is so hard to admit (but dont forget that "1+1=2" could not even be admitted by an idiotic hegelian in these threads a long time ago; yet i am supposed to respect this tradition of thought?).
charles fourier (1772-1837) was a french utopian socialist, who first coined the term "feminism", and whose concept of socialism was called "harmony", aided by the progress of industry. according to marx's historical materialism, history resolves itself in commumism, where the end unites with the beginning, completing the idea of history (from the hegelian standpoint). fourier equally envisions progress, but from a rude state toward an unimaginably advanced state. marx's communism is fourier's harmony, yet harmony to fourier is only the 8th epoch of history, and there will apparently be 36!
[here are some selections taken from "librairie societaire", 1829. pages 11 & 387]
>>2439419Men yearn to categorize successive stages of history (the Greek metal ages of men, the Hindu yuga cycles, Buddhist Ages of Dharma, the Aztec Five Suns)
>>2438747>the volume of money in tandem with velocity is a direct cause for inflationOh didn't you mean to say
only the volume of money is a cause of inflation? After all, you said this:
>>2399050>>And money expansion isn't the only cause!>it is todayAnd you are still ruling out supply shocks as a cause for inflation. Why?
>>2439749the expanded volume of currency in circulation will raise prices immediately; the velocity of money is a secondary attribute of the primary. thats why velocity can be entirely understood as "relative volume", like in my example of the marginal utility of capital.
but again, we are being too abstract, so it would suffice to be concrete, which is why i ask basic questions which suspiciously go unrequited:
<(Q) if you gave every US citizen $1M in their bank account, would prices rise within the next month?there is only one answer; either "yes" or "no".
if yes, then inflation is *directly* caused by the expansion of the volume of money (as marx concurs):
>A general rise in the prices of commodities can result only, either from a rise in their values — the value of money remaining constant — or from a fall in the value of money, the values of commodities remaining constant. https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmand there cannot even be a negative position, which is why its impossible to deny my hypothesis. but again, lets not forget that one dumb hegelian who couldnt even say "1+1=2", so intellectual cowardice is typical here.
>>2440469In the analysis of differential rent we proceeded from the assumption that the worst soil does not pay any ground-rent; or, to put it more generally, only such land pays ground-rent whose product has an individual price of production below the price of production regulating the market, so that in this manner a surplus-profit arises which is transformed into rent. It is to be noted, to begin with, that the law of differential rent as such is entirely independent of the correctness or incorrectness of this assumption.
i found this very interesting memoir concerning pierre joseph proudhon (the founder of anarchism ~ 1840), where he denies any indebtedness to the utopian socialist, charles fourier, and instead gives 3 "masters" of his own:
<Was it policy, we mean prudence, which induced Proudhon to screen his ideas of equality behind the Mosaic law? Sainte Beuve, like many others, seems to think so. But we remember perfectly well that, having asked Proudhon, in August, 1848, if he did not consider himself indebted in some respects to his fellow-countryman, Charles Fourier, we received from him the following reply: "I have certainly read Fourier, and have spoken of him more than once in my works; but, upon the whole, I do not think that I owe any thing to him. My real masters, those who have caused fertile ideas to spring up in my mind, are three in number: first, the Bible ; next, Adam Smith ; and last, Hegel." [J.A. Langlois - The Works of J.P Proudhon, Vol. 1, Introduction]
it appears then that anarchism does not historically proceed the french utopian socialists in its derivation, but rather, enlightenment liberalism (where we must remember that it is the frenchman jean-jacques rousseau who sees the regime of property as the origin of social inequality; which proudhon transposes toward smith's notion of the division of labour causing the inequality of men in the economy).
>>2440480one's mind may likewise be made from infertile soil, which is why it cannot produce rents, yet it still gathers spectral inhabitants nonetheless, who have no cause to pay rent toward cultivation or extraction upon the land. the owner in this case suffers an indefinite loss.
a link can be made between the utopian socialist henri d saint-simon (1817):
https://la.utexas.edu/users/hcleaver/368/368simonprinciples.htmland pierre leroux however, whom first coins the term "socialism" to counter "individualism" (1934), yet counters both with "liberty":
https://www.libertarian-labyrinth.org/working-translations/pierre-leroux-individualism-and-socialism-part-1/the same as proudhon appears to do, between "socialism" and "liberalism" which contrast "liberty" (1849):
>Finally, that Socialism and Liberalism are the two halves of the wholesale opposition that Liberty has, ever since the world began, mounted against the principle of AUTHORITY as articulated through property and through the State.https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/pierre-joseph-proudhon-in-connection-with-louis-blancthis same year, pierre leroux apparently attacks proudhon despite the two not being acquainted:
>My dear Pierre Leroux, I really must forgive you your incessant accusations, for you do not know me and do not engage in debate. For a start, you haven’t read me, so you have a cheek attacking me; next, I think you need telling and everything that you have written over the past month is there to prove it: you have absolutely no method.https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/pierre-joseph-proudhon-letter-to-pierre-lerouxso here is a frail chain of thought within the french left.
>>2440503But differential rent presupposes the existence of a monopoly in land ownership, landed property as a limitation to capital, for without it surplus-profit would not be transformed into ground-rent nor fall to the share of the landlord instead of the farmer. And landed property as a limitation continues to exist even when rent in the form of differential rent disappears, i.e., on soil A. If we consider the cases in a country with capitalist production, where the investment of capital in the land can take place without payment of rent, we shall find that they are all based on a de facto abolition of landed property, if not also the legal abolition; this, however, can only take place under very specific circumstances which are by their very nature accidental.
shouldn't you be in bed?
keynes writing on how inflation often acts as a form of exploitation:
<"Money is only important for what it will procure. Thus a change in the monetary unit, which is uniform in its operation and affects all transactions equally, has no consequences. If, by a change in the established standard of value, a man received and owned twice as much money as he did before in payment for all rights and for all efforts, and if he also paid out twice as much money for all acquisitions and for all satisfactions, he would be wholly unaffected. It follows, therefore, that a change in the value of money, that is to say in the level of prices, is important to society only in so far as its incidence is unequal. Such changes have produced in the past, and are producing now, the vastest social consequences, because, as we all know, when the value of money changes, it does not change equally for all persons or for all purposes. A man's receipts and his outgoings are not all modified in one uniform proportion. Thus a change in prices and rewards, as measured in money, generally affects different classes unequally, transfers wealth from one to another, bestows affluence here and embarrassment there, and redistributes Fortune's favours so as to frustrate design and disappoint expectation […] Each process, inflation and deflation alike, has inflicted great injuries. Each has an effect in altering the distribution of wealth between different classes, inflation in this respect being the worse of the two." [keynes - tract on monetary reform, chapter 1]
keynes was proven wrong and lenin correct by reagan and thatcher
cont. from
>>2443855contradictions in marx's theory of value:
implied in this critique then, is the confusion and disparity in marx's political economy. we may read this in the grundrisse (1857-58) for example:
>It has become apparent in the course of our presentation that value, which appeared as an abstraction, is possible only as such an abstraction, as soon as money is posited; this circulation of money in turn leads to capital, hence can be fully developed only on the foundation of capital, just as, generally, only on this foundation can circulation seize hold of all moments of production. This development, therefore, not only makes visible the historic character of forms, such as capital, which belong to a specific epoch of history; but also, [in its course] categories such as value, which appear as purely abstract, show the historic foundation from which they are abstracted, and on whose basis alone they can appear, therefore, in this abstraction; and categories which belong more or less to all epochs, such as e.g. money, show the historic modifications which they undergo. The economic concept of value does not occur in antiquity. Value distinguished only juridically from pretium, against fraud etc. The concept of value is entirely peculiar to the most modern economy, since it is the most abstract expression of capital itself and of the production resting on it. In the concept of value, its secret betrayed.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch15.htm#p771here, marx appears to be saying that because value as an abstraction did not exist in antiquity, it did not exist as a social relation in itself, yet he speaks differently here, in capital vol. 1 (1867):
>What is that equal something, that common substance, which admits of the value of the beds being expressed by a house? Such a thing, in truth, cannot exist, says Aristotle. And why not? Compared with the beds, the house does represent something equal to them, in so far as it represents what is really equal, both in the beds and the house. And that is – human labour […] The brilliancy of Aristotle’s genius is shown by this alone, that he discovered, in the expression of the value of commodities, a relation of equality. The peculiar conditions of the society in which he lived, alone prevented him from discovering what, “in truth,” was at the bottom of this equality.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmmarx is saying that even when value is absent from consideration, it still exists as an inherent substance between commodities in exchange;
>Since exchange value is a definite social manner of expressing the amount of labour bestowed upon an object, Nature has no more to do with it, than it has in fixing the course of exchange. The mode of production in which the product takes the form of a commodity, or is produced directly for exchange, is the most general and most embryonic form of bourgeois production. It therefore makes its appearance at an early date in history, though not in the same predominating and characteristic manner as now-a-days.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmit appears then to marx, that the very act of exchange between produced goods creates a relation of value, even where it is unbeknownst to parties. value to marx then is an immanent factor of production but only realised in exchange;
<Lastly nothing can have value, without being an object of utility. If the thing is useless, so is the labour contained in it; the labour does not count as labour, and therefore creates no value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmthere is also this damning statement from engels:
<But the exchange of commodities dates from a time before all written history — which in Egypt goes back to at least 2500 B.C., and perhaps 5000 B.C., and in Babylon to 4000 B.C., perhaps to 6000 B.C.; thus, the law of value has prevailed during a period of from five to seven thousand years.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/supp.htmit seems that it is *exchange* which realises the product as a value therefore, yet as marx writes in the grundrisse:
>Production as directly identical with consumption, and consumption as directly coincident with production, is termed by them productive consumption. This identity of production and consumption amounts to Spinoza’s thesis: determinatio est negatio.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch01.htmwhich means that a product is only realised as a product of labour in its consumption, and thereby confers its substance of value;
>Consumption produces production in a double way, (1) because a product becomes a real product only by being consumed. For example, a garment becomes a real garment only in the act of being worn; a house where no one lives is in fact not a real house; thus the product, unlike a mere natural object, proves itself to be, becomes, a product only through consumption.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch01.htmthis is the constitution of marx's syllogism of circulation;
>Thus production, distribution, exchange and consumption form a regular syllogism; production is the generality, distribution and exchange the particularity, and consumption the singularity in which the whole is joined together.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch01.htmhere, distribution and exchange fulfill the same role as mediating between production and consumption, where consumption acts as a form of production. in his vision of communism - so whether a product is exchanged or distributed is the same difference, which is why marx's reproduction of wage labour and commodity cobsumption make no sense within his apparently communist framework - critique of the gotha programme (1875):
>Within the co-operative society based on common ownership of the means of production, the producers do not exchange their products; just as little does the labor employed on the products appear here as the value of these products, as a material quality possessed by them, since now, in contrast to capitalist society, individual labor no longer exists in an indirect fashion but directly as a component part of total labor […] the individual producer receives back from society – after the deductions have been made – exactly what he gives to it. What he has given to it is his individual quantum of labor. For example, the social working day consists of the sum of the individual hours of work; the individual labor time of the individual producer is the part of the social working day contributed by him, his share in it. He receives a certificate from society that he has furnished such-and-such an amount of labor (after deducting his labor for the common funds); and with this certificate, he draws from the social stock of means of consumption as much as the same amount of labor cost. The same amount of labor which he has given to society in one form, he receives back in another.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/ch01.htmso to marx, value doesnt exist, yet wages and "social" commodity production do - replacing money with tokens of labour-time apparently constitute their abolition (as he even writes here):
>On this point I will only say further, that Owen’s “labour-money,” for instance, is no more “money” than a ticket for the theatre. Owen pre-supposes directly associated labour, a form of production that is entirely inconsistent with the production of commodities. The certificate of labour is merely evidence of the part taken by the individual in the common labour, and of his right to a certain portion of the common produce destined for consumption.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmbut this is just part of marx's general obscurity, such as his totalitarian notion of state abolition merely entailing the state containing everything within it (1848):
>When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organise itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch02.htmso marx's idea of "abolishing" the state is having the state own everything, like how "abolishing" value means determining its exactness in a perfected form of currency. if value can exist without anyone knowing it, why cant it exist where it is being formalised? if we understand marx's productive-consumption, we see that value is materially constituted by its use as an object, so if in communism we have wage labour, social distribution, money and social consumption, we must therefore have value - just like how the state is necessarily preserved in its "abolition". marx is riddled with contradictions. ironically, things would be easier if "socialist commodity production" was made theoretically viable, since it wouldnt have to twist and turn things into strained intelligibility.
>>2443892>marx is riddled with contradictions.yes because capitalism is. hope that helps
>>2444437>dogmatist nonsenseas expected.
>>2443892>>2444437to simplify marx's contradictory theory of value:
syllogism of circulation: (P-DE-C)
production - distribution/exchange - consumption
P-E-C = value relation
P-D-C = non-value relation
(E) then acts as the medium by which value is realised, yet twofold to marx, it is (C) which realises the product as a use-value - so to marx, it is not the mere act of exchange, but the "productive consumption" of the act, which relates (C) to (P) by the medium of (E). yet, (E) only entails a means to an end, equally sufficed by (D), unless we propose that (E) is performed for its own sake. but this is marx's confusion; a slave does not produce value to marx (but he merely *is* a value as fixed capital), while a wage-slave does produce surplus value by virtue of the act of commodity exchange itself. a slave (like a machine) can be more productive, but cannot be as valuable, despite costs being the same, because there is no wage given for it to be subsequently exploited. its not labour which creates value then, but its the exchange for commodities itself. if not, then we can freely admit that exchange and distribution are means to an end of social consumption rather than ends in themself. so to marx, if our governments maintained the current mode of production, but simply redistributed resources instead of allowing markets, this would be post-capitalist (we know this because this is how marx describes lower phase communism; he retains wage labour, but calls money "certificates" and says that we buy from the government rather than from companies - what a joke).
>>2446778is it difficult being illiterate?
>>2443892Grundrisse is an unpublished work of younger Marx though. We can assume that he might have changed his thoughts?
>>2446788irs okay to cry, knowing that marx is a totalitarian capitalist apologist
>>2447216yes, he changes his thoughts for the worse. he begins consistently, saying that value did not exist before capitalism, but a decade later, he says that value inherently exists between two commodities - this is backed up by engels' comments that the law of value has existed for milennia. what is contradictory in this is that he is saying that value is *not* a mere abstraction, but a "law" for conducting trade which implies itself in the relation. this would be fine as a mere deduction, but marx gets metaphysical by positing labour as the "substance of value" in all cases. this would imply a physical explanation rather than a social one. this would be formalising value as a transmission of energy however, and so naturalising economic reality (which he expressly speaks against at the end of capital vol. 1, chapter 1; he also anthropormorphises the concept of labour, so he cannot be merely speaking of energy).
a second contradiction is marx claiming that a use-value consumed via the medium of exchange constitutes a value relation, while the same process performed by a medium of direct distribution does not entail the relation of value (the contradiction is that both may confer "productive consumption", yet they are given different ends, by their means). a capitalist state simply taking control of distribution would mean the eradication of value to marx thus, even with wage labour, exploitation and class society.
a third contradiction is that marx sees exchange being implied in money circulation, yet deems the purchasing of goods by labour certificates as terminating of value. this is because certificates directly exchange for a particular good, while money may trade for all goods; so again, to marx, the ends of production and consumption dont matter; its the means. for this reason, he preserves wage labour, exploitation and money in his vision of "lower phase communism", amounting to stalin and mao's "socialist commodity production", which is wrongly vilified by leftcoms looking to defend marx against revision, when the leninists and maoists have only been consistent with marx's political vision; a type of totalitarian capitalism, as he first affirms in the manifesto - the state controls everything, which means man losing his political subjectivity and being converted into a basic economic unit to feed the machine. obviously, the capitalist west have also been loyal to marx in this respect.
>>2443892you have no hegel under your belt so that-s why you see contradictions where there are not. The abstract concept of value as characteristic of modernity does not exclude a retroactive application of such a concept to antiquity, in fact, such a retroactive application is henceforth necessary as modernity has "unlocked" this concept which was already operating implicitly but explicitly recognized by us. The same thing goes for the concept of "right", for example: just because the ancients did not have the abstract concept of "rights", aside from local germs, doesn't mean that slave did not have, in themselves, human dignity. The historical situation was such that general consciousness and the invoentory of concepts we had to apply to reality where not advanced enough, we did not have enough conceptual experience, to recognize such a fact, but modernity unlocks a great amount of concepts that can retroactively be used like that.
>>2447252this would only make sense is value is a law governing social relationships or a physical relationship between objects. if it is a social phenomenon, then what are its constituents? to marx, its not about production or consuption, but only about exchange - the issue is that in circulation, there is no substantial difference between distribution and exchange. marx even understands them as extensive concepts:
>Production creates the objects which correspond to the given needs; distribution divides them up according to social laws; exchange further parcels out the already divided shares in accord with individual needs; and finally, in consumption, the product steps outside this social movement and becomes a direct object and servant of individual need, and satisfies it in being consumed.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch01.htmso the only difference between P-E-C and P-D-C is that in P-D-C there's a monopoly on how people receive the social product, yet to marx this entails an abolition of value (a law of social relations, as you put it), because money becomes coupons and capitalists become bureaucrats.
>>2447244The simple answer is that Marx is engaging in some clever charlatanry that superficially makes sense. You can reduce the objects of exchange to an abstract unit. You really can't do the things Marx asserts you can do with surplus value without a lot of qualifications, that were never necessary for capital to continue nor things the capitalist found interesting.
It comes about because Marx was tasked with short-circuiting critiques of money by confusing what money is. Money is only a tool. It only has power because states and dominant mercantile interests issue it, rather than money appearing by any organic or necessary function it serves. All the way up until the classical empires, "money" as such didn't exist, in that states didn't have anything to do with money directly. The merchants had to pay their tax in something useful to the state, and were always checked from becoming too strong in society. You didn't have any mentality that suggested merchants were to be trusted with anything until the middle ages and the late middle ages at that, and that strangely enough occurred because everyone who wasn't a merchant had to follow stringent rules about how they could conduct commercial activity, and there was an opening for lending services that used to be things done in the commons or by what amounted to mafias. The big reason why the merchants gained power was because the campaigns of feudal warlords began to concern places more remote, and require technology that wasn't required before like guns and ships.
The way we treat money in modern banking is very unusual; but, people always had concepts of value and the comparative worth of objects. The comparisons they made weren't always in some fungible unit of currency, because that was and always had been retarded and counterproductive. The capitalist never purely saw their products as "just another commodity". Everything they produced had purposes, including purposes that were not the design of the capitalist but that the capitalist had to acknowledge lest the product he made turn into a weapon used against him. From the very start of modernity, the capitalist was obsessive about controlling technology and production, because his existence was dependent on technology in a way no other class was before him. So too did the states of modernity adopt this thinking. The idea that capitalism was ever a "free market" is rather bizarre when you look at what actually happened, and how free markets were always a disaster every time they were tried.
You know why "free markets" exist? They exist for opium dealers to come in and shit up a country. That's all it was ever for.
>>2447293>The simple answer is that Marx is engaging in some clever charlatanry that superficially makes sense.if his position was simply that "socialism is when the government does stuff" for the benefit of citizens, there would be no controversy (since this is how most people understand socialism to begin with). the theoretical baggage comes with certain erroneous assertions, such as the "abolition of the state", "abolition of money", "abolition of the division of labour" and the "abolition of wage labour", of which can never be demonstrated by marx, since on all accounts, he appears to preserve them.
>From the very start of modernity, the capitalist was obsessive about controlling technology and production, because his existence was dependent on technology in a way no other class was before him.yes and marxists propose a class system where governments rule over citizenry in the same way.
>>2447294as smith and ricardo demonstrate, there is a "law of comparative advantage" which allows for cheaper commodities being traded via international competition (by specialisation of production). foreign trade makes sense in this context, even where smith says there are necessary regulations, such as the protection of national defence industries (he uses the example of the navy):
https://www.adamsmithworks.org/documents/book-iv-chapter-2he sees the class element also; the cheaper commodity is beneficial to the consumer, while a more expensive commodity is beneficial to the merchant and manufacturer; thus, a monopoly of domestic markets benefits the domestic merchant and manufacturer over the consumer. economic nationalism can entail this dynamic, but i would claim that some αὐτάρκεια is necessary for a society.
>>2447333>which can never be demonstrated by marx, since on all accounts, he appears to preserve them.looks like we have come full circle to my original point last year that only reading capital turns you into an idiot
>>2447244how do you maintain such confidence in the face of reality constantly proving you wrong? is this the power of psychosis?
>>2447244>which means man losing his political subjectivity and being converted into a basic economic unit to feed the machine. In what way is the liberal keynesianism that you love so much different than the Chinese model? You know, besides it actually working…
What you claim to want is essentially Dengism but its been pointed out multiple times and you just dodge.
>obviously, the capitalist west have also been loyal to marx in this respect.Or maybe its industrialization in general that turns people into economic units. Marx of course does have an answer to this and its the same one you missed by saying he intends to preserve the state.
Of course this makes it pretty obvious that you know keynesian doesn't work and why and you pretend to advocate it because it will simply preserve the status quo as proven historically.
If you are still confused you should pick up Lenin, he merely repeats Marx, as you know, but his writing is much more precise.
>>2447797im not referencing capital though? 🤔 you have one line, i guess. be proud of your contribution. to help you comprehend, i will be specific in my citations. here's marx in the communist manifesto claiming that the political state is substituted for a productive state:
>When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch02.htmagain, in "poverty of philosophy":
>The working class, in the course of its development, will substitute for the old civil society an association which will exclude classes and their antagonism, and there will be no more political power properly so-called, since political power is precisely the official expression of antagonism in civil society.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1847/poverty-philosophy/ch02e.htmand engels in "socialism, utopian and scientific":
>Yet what is here already very plainly expressed is the idea of the future conversion of political rule over men into an administration of things and a direction of processes of production – that is to say, the “abolition of the state”, about which recently there has been so much noise.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1880/soc-utop/ch01.htmso the state is "abolished" when it controls the means of production and men are converted from political subjects into economic objects. here's marx on communist wage labour, value, taxation and money:
>Within the co-operative society based on common ownership of the means of production, the producers do not exchange their products; just as little does the labor employed on the products appear here as the value of these products, as a material quality possessed by them, since now, in contrast to capitalist society, individual labor no longer exists in an indirect fashion but directly as a component part of total labor.>Accordingly, the individual producer receives back from society – after the deductions have been made – exactly what he gives to it. What he has given to it is his individual quantum of labor. For example, the social working day consists of the sum of the individual hours of work; the individual labor time of the individual producer is the part of the social working day contributed by him, his share in it. He receives a certificate from society that he has furnished such-and-such an amount of labor (after deducting his labor for the common funds); and with this certificate, he draws from the social stock of means of consumption as much as the same amount of labor cost.>Before this is divided among the individuals, there has to be deducted again, from it: First, the general costs of administration not belonging to production. This part will, from the outset, be very considerably restricted in comparison with present-day society, and it diminishes in proportion as the new society develops. Second, that which is intended for the common satisfaction of needs, such as schools, health services, etc. From the outset, this part grows considerably in comparison with present-day society, and it grows in proportion as the new society develops. Third, funds for those unable to work, etc., in short, for what is included under so-called official poor relief today.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/ch01.htmso in marx's lower phase communism, everything is basically the same except that the government is our new boss, and we get coupons instead of money.
>>2448069it would actually be nice to be proven wrong for a change
>>2448219>In what way is the liberal keynesianism that you love so much different than the Chinese model? keynes wanted a 15-hour work week:
<we shall endeavour to spread the bread thin on the butter—to make what work there is still to be done to be as widely shared as possible. Three-hour shifts or a fifteen-hour week may put off the problem for a great while. For three hours a day is quite enough to satisfy the old Adam in most of us!https://www.economicsnetwork.ac.uk/archive/keynes_persuasion/Economic_Possibilities_for_our_Grandchildren.htm>Or maybe its industrialization in general that turns people into economic unitsand thats a good thing to you because "progress", right?
>Marx of course does have an answeryes; to make everyone a slave of the state. im too western for this despotic nonsense, as keynes confers:
<Even if we need a religion, how can we find it in the turbid rubbish of the Red bookshops? It is hard for an educated, decent, intelligent son of Western Europe to find his ideals here [USSR], unless he has first suffered some strange and horrid process of conversion which has changed all his values.https://www.economicsnetwork.ac.uk/archive/keynes_persuasion/A_Short_View_of_Russia.htm what is this generals opinion on friedrich list and henry carey
>>2448603all these manners of socialism are just repackaged asian despotisms. they work for eastern peoples, but not for westerners.
>all keynesians become hardline socialist statistsnot at all. keynes' politics were based around opposing both lasseiz-faire and state socialism, by a doctrine of "new liberalism" focused around social justice. his economic concern was around full employment. as i have cited many times also, he places silvio gesell against marx as a way to articulate his feelings:
>The purpose of the book as a whole may be described as the establishment of an anti-Marxian socialism, a reaction against laissez-faire built on theoretical foundations totally unlike those of Marx in being based on a repudiation instead of on an acceptance of the classical hypotheses, and on an unfettering of competition instead of its abolition. I believe that the future will learn more from the spirit of Gesell than from that of Marx.https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/economics/keynes/general-theory/ch23.htm>Thus I agree with Gesell that the result of filling in the gaps in the classical theory is not to dispose of the ‘Manchester System’, but to indicate the nature of the environment which the free play of economic forces requires if it is to realise the full potentialities of production.https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/economics/keynes/general-theory/ch24.htmgesell was radically free market, but equally in favour of "free money" which he saw the liberals of his day abandoning for the sake of political interest. i criticise gesell's vision by positing the classical hypotheses in its place, so as to thus counter both gesell and keynes:
>>2391702>>2391805so i find classical liberalism more legitimate than new liberalism.
>>2448615>all these manners of socialism are just repackaged asian despotisms. they work for eastern peoples, but not for westerners.The funny thing about that is most of these asian despotisms was influenced by what western countries developed first. There is a economic line starting from mercantalist britian to camerialist germany/american school america to meiji japan. And then you can connect this meiji japan link to post war japan, south korea under park, chiang kai shek taiwan. And then you can link these lines to modern prc china.
It might seem bizaree but theres a fascinating link that goes from modern prc china back to mercantalist britain. The german economists (like the list fellow here alongside the german historical school) based their economic theories on the historical expirences of mercantalist britain. Meiji japan was highly influenced by germanys economic expirence (germany was one of the major models for meiji japans reforms). Park chung hee south korea and chiang kai shek taiwan was influenced by japans colonization (and also park chung hee was a former imperial japan soldier). Post war japan kept a lot of pre war figures which helped form japans major economic planning agency called the ministry of international trade and industry. And finally chinese officials during dengs reforms went out and looked throughout the world, some of these (japan, taiwan and etc) being major influences.
So in a way what you call the asian despotisms can be linked back to the west
>>2448624i was speaking more of what concerns the political structures of various asian countries (including the middle east) than their economics. this clash of civilisations is even commented upon by marx, in his consideration of russia possessing a different destiny to the west:
>In dealing with the genesis of capitalist production, I have said that at its foundation lies “the radical separation of the producer from the means of production” (Capital, page 315, col. I, French edition) and that “the basis of this whole evolution is the expropriation of the agriculturists. It has as yet been radically accomplished only in England … But all the other countries of Western Europe are going through the same movement.” (L.c., col. II.) I have thus expressly restricted the “historical fatality” of this movement to the countries of Western Europe.https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/ni/vol08/no10/marx-zas.htm >2448597>it would actually be nice to be proven wrong for a change>>2448591>so the state is "abolished" when it controls the means of production and men are converted from political subjects into economic objects.>so in marx's lower phase communismthe state is abolished in higher phase communism
>>2448640>was speaking more of what concerns the political structures of various asian countrieswell regarding politics what do you refer to that in particular. What exactly seperates the west and east politically? Asking in good faith so I can see the specifics of what you mean with that
>>2448650>>2448645statism, tribalism and illiberalism
i would characterise the present order of the west as "totalitarian liberalism" in its attempts to preserve liberal universality in the face of civic and economic antagonism, which is regretful, yet western ideals are still fundamentally liberal, where as it was once said by neoreactionary curtis yarvin, "libertarians and nazis want the same thing", in the sense of the state being a means to an end, rather than an end in itself. similarly, bourgeois revolutions in the west (the english civil war, the american revolution, the french revolution and the american civil war) all appointed temporary dictatorships to defend the cause, but never for the sake of the dictatorship itself - an example is oliver cromwell denying the title of king, the same as george washington. the east appears to glorify dictators as cults of personality in whom there is the expression of one's own identity. some still feel this way about monarchs, but no absolute monarchies exist in the west, while they still do in places like north korea. the western ethos then is liberal individualism, i would say, which then also implies that the rest of the world is not particularly interested in democracy and such, which i agree with, and so oppose the idea of exporting western values to the rest of the planet, which largely seems to be a guise for imperialism. all western reactionaries just want a period of restoring liberalism by force, you will notice; hans hermann hoppe and ludwig von mises express the same feeling. there is no post-liberal concept, since it is the end of history.
>>2448644not according to marx; he makes even more fanciful leaps and bounds however, claiming that the division of labour itself will be abolished. another nonsense:
>In a higher phase of communist society, after the enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labor, and therewith also the antithesis between mental and physical labor, has vanished; after labor has become not only a means of life but life's prime want; after the productive forces have also increased with the all-around development of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow more abundantly – only then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois right be crossed in its entirety and society inscribe on its banners: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/ch01.htm >>2448650keynesian policies require a proletarian dictatorship to be sustainable so he pretends to support it while retaining capitalism knowing it leads to the current situation.
>>2448662>not according to marxyes, according to marx, and also engels as shown in the quote you provided
>the idea of the future conversion >>2448666lets complete the sentence:
>the idea of the future conversion of political rule over men into an administration of things and a direction of processes of production – that is to say, the “abolition of the state”, about which recently there has been so much noise.so to marx and engels, the political state is replaced by an administration of things, which controls the means of production.
classical liberal, john stuart mill, on socialism: these "chapters on socialism" were originally unpublished and part of an incomplete manuscript dealing with socialism generally. written in 1879, he presents the positions made by socialists and his own objections, in 4 parts: "socialist objections to the present order of society", "socialist objections to the present order of society - examined", "the difficulties of socialism" and "the idea of private property: not fixed, but variable". mill concludes that for socialism to work, all members of society must be moral and intellectual, and for it to be legitimised, it should be conducted by trial and error in local experiments rather than wholesale political capture. he says that the future may perhaps be communist, but in the current era, it is functionally impossible.
https://www.gutenberg.org/files/38138/38138-h/38138-h.htmhttps://oll.libertyfund.org/pages/reader-mill-socialism
<(1) socialist objections to the present order of society:>In the opinion of Socialists, the present arrangements of society in respect to Property and the Production and Distribution of Wealth, are, as means to the general good, a total failure […] First among existing social evils may be mentioned the evil of Poverty […] The reward, instead of being proportioned to the labour and abstinence of the individual, is almost in an inverse ratio to it: those who receive the least, labour and abstain the most [.] The very idea of distributive justice, or of any proportionality between success and merit, or between success and exertion, is in the present state of society so manifestly chimerical as to be relegated to the regions of romance […] These evils, then—great poverty, and that poverty very little connected with desert—are the first grand failure of the existing arrangements of society.
>Socialists consider [individualism] this system of private war (as it may be termed) between every one and every one, especially fatal in an economical point of view and in a moral […] Society, in short, is travelling onward, according to these speculators, towards a new feudality, that of the great capitalists […] But who is so blind as not to see that under the system of unlimited competition, the continual fall of wages is no exceptional circumstance, but a necessary and general fact? […] It is an industrial system by means of which the working classes are forced to exterminate one another.
>According to the political economists of the school of Adam Smith and Léon Say, cheapness is the word in which may be summed up the advantages of unlimited competition [.] Cheapness is, so to speak, the hammer with which the rich among the producers crush their poorer rivals [.] Cheapness is the great instrument in the hands of monopoly; it absorbs the small manufacturer, the small shopkeeper, the small proprietor; it is, in one word, the destruction of the middle classes for the advantage of a few industrial oligarchs. Ought we, then, to consider cheapness as a curse? […] Thus, and we cannot too often insist upon it, competition necessarily tends to increase supply and to diminish consumption; its tendency therefore is precisely the opposite of what is sought by economic science; hence it is not merely oppressive but foolish as well.
>It is evident that the interest of the trader is opposed to that of the consumer and of the producer. Has he not bought cheap and undervalued as much as possible in all his dealings with the producer, the very same article which, vaunting its excellence, he sells to you as dear as he can? Thus the interest of the commercial body, collectively and individually, is contrary to that of the producer and of the consumer—that is to say, to the interest of the whole body of society. The trader is a go-between, who profits by the general anarchy and the non-organization of industry […] It robs society by shameless and unlimited usury—usury absolutely appalling. The trader carries on operations with fictitious capital, much higher in amount that his real capital […] This principle of distribution makes a class in society whose business it is to buy from some parties and to sell to others [.] Their real object being to get as much profit as gain between the seller to, and the buyer from them, as can be effected in their transactions. There are innumerable errors in principle and evils in practice which necessarily proceed from this mode of distributing the wealth of society […] By this arrangement into various classes of buyers and sellers, the parties are easily trained to learn that they have separate and opposing interests, and different ranks and stations in society […] The distributers of wealth, under the present system, are a dead weight upon the producers, and are most active demoralisers of society.
>In the opinion of the Fourierists, the tendency of the present order of society is to a concentration of wealth in the hands of a comparatively few immensely rich individuals or companies, and the reduction of all the rest of the community into a complete dependence on them. This was termed by Fourier la féodalité industrielle. This feudalism, [says M. Considérant,] would be constituted as soon as the largest part of the industrial and territorial property of the nation belongs to a minority which absorbs all its revenues, while the great majority, chained to the work-bench or labouring on the soil, must be content to gnaw the pittance which is cast to them. This disastrous result is to be brought about partly by the mere progress of competition, as sketched in our previous extract by M. Louis Blanc; assisted by the progress of national debts, which M. Considérant regards as mortgages of the whole land and capital of the country, of which “les capitalistes prêteurs” become, in a greater and greater measure, co-proprietors, receiving without labour or risk an increasing portion of the revenues.
<(2) socialist objections to the present order of society - examined>But the strongest case is susceptible of exaggeration; and it will have been evident to many readers, even from the passages I have quoted, that such exaggeration is not wanting in the representations of the ablest and most candid Socialists […] In the first place, it is unhappily true that the wages of ordinary labour, in all the countries of Europe, are wretchedly insufficient to supply the physical and moral necessities of the population in any tolerable measure [.] It has yet to be proved that there is any country in the civilised world where the ordinary wages of labour, estimated either in money or in articles of consumption, are declining; while in many they are, on the whole, on the increase; and an increase which is becoming, not slower, but more rapid.
>Next, it must be observed that Socialists generally, and even the most enlightened of them, have a very imperfect and one-sided notion of the operation of competition […] In truth, when competition is perfectly free on both sides, its tendency is not specially either to raise or to lower the price of articles, but to equalise it; to level inequalities of remuneration, and to reduce all to a general average, a result which, in so far as realised (no doubt very imperfectly), is, on Socialistic principles, desirable.
>It seemed desirable to begin the discussion of the Socialist question by these remarks in abatement of Socialist exaggerations, in order that the true issues between Socialism and the existing state of society might be correctly conceived. The present system is not, as many Socialists believe, hurrying us into a state of general indigence and slavery from which only Socialism can save us. The evils and injustices suffered under the present system are great, but they are not increasing; on the contrary, the general tendency is towards their slow diminution.
<(3) the difficulties of socialism>Among those who call themselves Socialists, two kinds of persons may be distinguished. There are, in the first place, those whose plans for a new order of society, in which private property and individual competition are to be superseded and other motives to action substituted, are on the scale of a village community or township, and would be applied to an entire country by the multiplication of such self-acting units; of this character are the systems of Owen, of Fourier, and the more thoughtful and philosophic Socialists generally. The other class, who are more a product of the Continent than of Great Britain and may be called the revolutionary Socialists, propose to themselves a much bolder stroke. Their scheme is the management of the whole productive resources of the country by one central authority, the general government. And with this view some of them avow as their purpose that the working classes, or somebody in their behalf, should take possession of all the property of the country, and administer it for the general benefit. Whatever be the difficulties of the first of these two forms of Socialism, the second must evidently involve the same difficulties and many more. The former, too, has the great advantage that it can be brought into operation progressively, and can prove its capabilities by trial.
>[…] It thus appears that as far as concerns the motives to exertion in the general body, Communism has no advantage which may not be reached under private property, while as respects the managing heads it is at a considerable disadvantage. It has also some disadvantages which seem to be inherent in it, through the necessity under which it lies of deciding in a more or less arbitrary manner questions which, on the present system, decide themselves, often badly enough, but spontaneously. It is a simple rule, and under certain aspects a just one, to give equal payment to all who share in the work. But this is a very imperfect justice unless the work also is apportioned equally […] But further, it is still a very imperfect standard of justice to demand the same amount of work from every one. People have unequal capacities of work, both mental and bodily, and what is a light task for one is an insupportable burthen to another. It is necessary, therefore, that there should be a dispensing power, an authority competent to grant exemptions from the ordinary amount of work, and to proportion tasks in some measure to capabilities.
>Other and numerous sources of discord are inherent in the necessity which the Communist principle involves, of deciding by the general voice questions of the utmost importance to every one, which on the present system can be and are left to individuals to decide, each for his own case […] Here, then, is a most fruitful source of discord in every association. All who had any opinion or preference as to the education they would desire for their own children, would have to rely for their chance of obtaining it upon the influence they could exercise in the joint decision of the community.
>The one certainty is, that Communism, to be successful, requires a high standard of both moral and intellectual education in all the members of the community [.] It is for Communism, then, to prove, by practical experiment, its power of giving this training […] If practical trial is necessary to test the capabilities of Communism, it is no less required for those other forms of Socialism which recognise the difficulties of Communism and contrive means to surmount them.
>The result of our review of the various difficulties of Socialism has led us to the conclusion that the various schemes for managing the productive resources of the country by public instead of private agency have a case for a trial, and some of them may eventually establish their claims to preference over the existing order of things, but that they are at present workable only by the élite of mankind, and have yet to prove their power of training mankind at large to the state of improvement which they presuppose. Far more, of course, may this be said of the more ambitious plan which aims at taking possession of the whole land and capital of the country, and beginning at once to administer it on the public account. Apart from all consideration of injustice to the present possessors, the very idea of conducting the whole industry of a country by direction from a single centre is so obviously chimerical, that nobody ventures to propose any mode in which it should be done; and it can hardly be doubted that if the revolutionary Socialists attained their immediate object, and actually had the whole property of the country at their disposal, they would find no other practicable mode of exercising their power over it than that of dividing it into portions, each to be made over to the administration of a small Socialist community […] It is saying but little to say that the introduction of Socialism under such conditions could have no effect but disastrous failure, and its apostles could have only the consolation that the order of society as it now exists would have perished first, and all who benefit by it would be involved in the common ruin—a consolation which to some of them would probably be real, for if appearances can be trusted the animating principle of too many of the revolutionary Socialists is hate; a very excusable hatred of existing evils, which would vent itself by putting an end to the present system at all costs even to those who suffer by it, in the hope that out of chaos would arise a better Kosmos, and in the impatience of desperation respecting any more gradual improvement […] If the poorest and most wretched members of a so-called civilised society are in as bad a condition as every one would be in that worst form of barbarism produced by the dissolution of civilised life, it does not follow that the way to raise them would be to reduce all others to the same miserable state. On the contrary, it is by the aid of the first who have risen that so many others have escaped from the general lot, and it is only by better organization of the same process that it may be hoped in time to succeed in raising the remainder.
<(4) the idea of private property: not fixed, but variable>The preceding considerations appear sufficient to show that an entire renovation of the social fabric, such as is contemplated by Socialism, establishing the economic constitution of society upon an entirely new basis, other than that of private property and competition, however valuable as an ideal, and even as a prophecy of ultimate possibilities, is not available as a present resource, since it requires from those who are to carry on the new order of things qualities both moral and intellectual, which require to be tested in all, and to be created in most; and this cannot be done by an Act of Parliament, but must be, on the most favourable supposition, a work of considerable time.
>Again, if rights of property over the same things are of different extent in different countries, so also are they exercised over different things. In all countries at a former time, and in some countries still, the right of property extended and extends to the ownership of human beings. There has often been property in public trusts, as in judicial offices, and a vast multitude of others in France before the Revolution; there are still a few patent offices in Great Britain, though I believe they will cease by operation of law on the death of the present holders; and we are only now abolishing property in army rank […] Under this condition, however, society is fully entitled to abrogate or alter any particular right of property which on sufficient consideration it judges to stand in the way of the public good. And assuredly the terrible case which, as we saw in a former chapter,[*]Socialists are able to make out against the present economic order of society, demands a full consideration of all means by which the institution may have a chance of being made to work in a manner more beneficial to that large portion of society which at present enjoys the least share of its direct benefits.>>2448669>so to marx and engels, the political state is replaced by an administration of things, which controls the means of production.the "administration of things" happens after a sufficient increase in productive forces that work becomes lifes prime want, that is, in the higher phase of communism.
they are pretty clear about this idk how you missed it
what are some resources to learn more about Marxian economics other than marx and engels?
>>2449386why would work ever become "life's prime want"? lol
keep quoting scripture.
>>2449470Because it will be scarce and you will gain social status for doing it, simple as
>>2449475How so?
1. There won't be much work to do
2. How else to collect social status? your big golden throne and fancy clothes, big whoop everybody else can get one too
>>2449470because a sufficient increase in productive forces means work becomes scarce and products become abundant. thats how the dynamic of from each according to ability to each according to need comes about, it requires a sufficient material foundation.
this is really basic stuff. the lower phase dictatorship of the proletariat rationally plans the economy to increase productive forces until it reaches that situation. its also in more of what you quoted
>after the enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labor, and therewith also the antithesis between mental and physical labor, has vanished; after labor has become not only a means of life but life's prime wantand right before the engels quote
>The knowledge that economic conditions are the basis of political institutions appears here only in embryo.and another one from engels
>State interference in social relations becomes, in one domain after another, superfluous, and then dies out of itself; the government of persons is replaced by the administration of things, and by the conduct of processes of production. The state is not "abolished". It dies out. see hes saying that, for example, as the state monopolizes agriculture and increases mechanized harvest, after a period they no longer have to coerce people to farm, and simply distribute the massive surplus of food, and this happens in each sector as the productive forces become sufficient, and after its completed in all sectors the state withers away
>>2448662yeah it figures you are a crypto fascist that wants to live in peter thiels company town paid ubi by ai powered company scrip
unfortunately for you china is winning
>>2449501>because a sufficient increase in productive forces means work becomes scarceI don't remember that part. It was more about socialism freeing up the creative aspects of human labor so it would be desirable compared to capitalism. It was an undercooked idea though. No one has ever explained how dirty and dangerous jobs can involve creative self expression of our species-being. Hunter-gatherers and independent farmers had to be forced into factories with violence and theft on a grand scale.
>>2449561It's in the Grundwisse
>>2449561>I don't remember that part.its like the entire premise of marxism. industrialization unleashes human productive capacity but private ownership for profit creates artificial scarcity despite potential abundance. thats the difference between utopianism and materialism as marx sees it. utopians think you could have had socialism at any time in history by passing a law or convincing enough people but marx sees it as something rooted in the social reproduction of society and a sufficient means of production as a prerequisite. creativity and desire come after the material base to facilitate it is built
>>2449488>>2449501>work will be scarce therefore it will become "life's prime want" …?still not making sense. why not just say marx was not cooking with that line?
>>2449524lol
>>2449611>marxism is about abundanceidiotic, wasteful worldview
>>2450177so if you had all your needs met you would just do nothing all day? you dont have any crafts or hobbies?
sad
>>2450206>hobbies do hobbies count as "work"? 🤨
you must know youre not making sense.
>>2450211people do unpaid volunteer work as a hobby all the time like moderate websites, record tutorials, design open source software, etc.
>>2450221you mentioned "hobbies" specifically
are hobbies in themselves "work"?
>>2450223>you not the same anon but volunteer work is a form of hobby. like if you go hiking you might also teach others how to hike.
>>2450226so two people cant answer a simple question then?
if i play videogames as a hobby, is that "work"?
>>2450227No that specifically is not work but that was also not the original question.
>>2450228>that is not workokay, so hobbies are in themselves not work
try a new angle.
>>2450251hobbies in themselves mean Hobbies abstractly (H).
this means that all particular hobbies (h) are included within the category of something being a hobby, so if one part of (H) does not conform to its common identity as "work" (w), then (H) in itself ≠ (w). as a formula we may express it likewise:
(H) = (h1, h2, h3…); (h1) = (H)
proposition: (H) = (w); = (h1)
counter: (h2) ≠ (w)
conclusion:
(h1) = (w); ≠ (h2)
(H) ≠ (w)
so in particularising the variable, we come to say that only some hobbies may be work, while not all hobbies are work, thus hobbies are not work in itself, causing contradiction in the abstract generality:
>>2450206(i.e.) "hobbies are work". a middle term, or condition, is then required to qualify the statement correctly, so as to give it correctness; "some hobbies are work". my line of questioning then determines this by deduction.
>>2450277 They targeted gamers.
Gamers.
We're a group of people who will sit for hours, days, even weeks on end performing some of the hardest, most mentally demanding tasks. Over, and over, and over all for nothing more than a little digital token saying we did.
We'll punish our selfs doing things others would consider torture, because we think it's fun.
We'll spend most if not all of our free time min maxing the stats of a fictional character all to draw out a single extra point of damage per second.
Many of us have made careers out of doing just these things: slogging through the grind, all day, the same quests over and over, hundreds of times to the point where we know every little detail such that some have attained such gamer nirvana that they can literally play these games blindfolded.
Do these people have any idea how many controllers have been smashed, systems over heated, disks and carts destroyed 8n frustration? All to latter be referred to as bragging rights?
These people honestly think this is a battle they can win? They take our media? We're already building a new one without them. They take our devs? Gamers aren't shy about throwing their money else where, or even making the games our selves. They think calling us racist, mysoginistic, rape apologists is going to change us? We've been called worse things by prepubescent 10 year olds with a shitty head set. They picked a fight against a group that's already grown desensitized to their strategies and methods. Who enjoy the battle of attrition they've threatened us with. Who take it as a challange when they tell us we no longer matter. Our obsession with proving we can after being told we can't is so deeply ingrained from years of dealing with big brothers/sisters and friends laughing at how pathetic we used to be that proving you people wrong has become a very real need; a honed reflex.
Gamers are competative, hard core, by nature. We love a challange. The worst thing you did in all of this was to challange us. You're not special, you're not original, you're not the first; this is just another boss fight.
>>2460244
?
here is a primary source of hans herman hoppe discussing marx, taken from chapter 4 of his book "The Economics and Ethics of Private Property" (1990):
https://mises.org/mises-wire/marxist-and-austrian-class-analysis>I will do the following in this chapter: First, I will present a series of theses that constitute the hard-core of the Marxist theory of history. I claim that all of them are essentially correct. Then I will show how these true theses are derived in Marxism from a false starting point.<(1) “The history of mankind is the history of class struggles.”<(2) The ruling class is unified by its common interest in upholding its exploitative position and maximizing its exploitatively appropriated surplus product.<(3) Class rule manifests itself primarily in specific arrangements regarding the assignment of property rights or, in Marxist terminology, in specific “relations of production.”<(4) Internally, the process of competition within the ruling class generates a tendency toward increasing concentration and centralization.<(5) Finally, with the centralization and expansion of exploitative rule gradually approaching its ultimate limit of world domination, class rule will increasingly become incompatible with the further development and improvement of “productive forces.”so he agrees with all this, but from an alternative perspective, where it regards the theory of exploitation:
>According to Marx, such precapitalist social systems as slavery and feudalism are characterized by exploitation.here i would interject by stating that this is NOT part of marx's theory of exploitation, since marx regards the value of slaves, machines and animals alike as fixed capital, rather than variable capital. here is an excellent blog on the matter:
https://socialdemocracy21stcentury.blogspot.com/2015/07/marx-on-slaves-as-fixed-capital.html?m=1so hoppe is confusing an economic theory of exploitation for a moral theory, which is quite common. continuing with hoppe:
>The genuinely new Marxist idea is that essentially nothing is changed as regards exploitation under capitalismthis is not true, since marx prefigures the freedom of exchange as the basis of commodity circulation. the change in capitalism to marx is that labour becomes self-possessed as a commodity, which is wilfully sold by the worker. it is this space of freedom which creates the condition of economic exploitation. hoppe discusses primitive accumulation and colonialism likewise:
>Admittedly, all this is generally correct, and insofar as it is there can be no quarrel with labeling such capitalism exploitative.so he qualifies a difference between this bad form of capitalism and an alternative "clean" version, yet remains frustrated that marx supposedly preserves exploitation from prior modes of production, rather than introducing it with capitalism:
>if one were to have “clean” capitalism so to speak (one in which the original appropriation of capital were the result of nothing else but homesteading), work and savings, the capitalist who hired labor to be employed with this capital would nonetheless be engaged in exploitation.he then describes marx's theory of exploitation:
>It consists in the observation that the factor prices, in particular the wages paid to laborers by the capitalist, are lower than the output prices.and he explains why there is no exploitation:
>He [the worker] agrees because his wage payment represents present goods — while his own labor services represent only future goods — and he values present goods more highly.so hoppe invokes "time-preference" as an explanation; the worker prefers immediate goods to later goods and criticises marx on these grounds:
>What is wrong with Marx’s theory of exploitation, then, is that he does not understand the phenomenon of time preference as a universal category of human action.i feel that this criticism is misplaced however, since marx does in fact consider the temporality of wages here:
<In every country in which the capitalist mode of production reigns, it is the custom not to pay for labour-power before it has been exercised for the period fixed by the contract, as for example, the end of each week. In all cases, therefore, the use-value of the labour-power is advanced to the capitalist: the labourer allows the buyer to consume it before he receives payment of the price; he everywhere gives credit to the capitalist. That this credit is no mere fiction, is shown not only by the occasional loss of wages on the bankruptcy of the capitalist, but also by a series of more enduring consequences.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch06.htmthis advancement of labour by the worker shows how the very mechanism of exploitation is facilitated by crediting in which the capitalist is the debtor, who pays after a fixed term the settlement of wages. it is not the capitalist who takes on risk by loe time-preference therefore, but the worker who loans out his labour for the risk of not receiving an equivalent sum. hoppe's reversal of this relationship shows his ignorance. but he continues nonetheless:
>After all, he [the worker] could also decide not to sell his labor services to the capitalist and then map the full value of his output himself. of course, this makes zero sense if mr. hoppe actually comprehended marx's critique of primitive accumulation - the reason we have societies of wage slaves is because the means of production and land were confiscated by the capitalist state and redistributed to the ruling class. the homesteading principle is outlawed under capitalist conditions (see: the diggers and levellers during the english civil war). of course, hoppe misses another element of protest on the worker's behalf; labour unions, which im sure he's not too keen about. continuing:
>That the laborer does not receive his “full worth” has nothing to do with exploitation but merely reflects the fact that it is impossible for man to exchange future goods against present ones except at a discount. of course, marx does believe that workers receive the "full worth" of their labour-power in the wage. hoppe's ignorance shows itself again. moreover:
>If, contrary to this [slavery], everyone has exclusive control over his own body (is a free laborer, that is) and acts in accordance with the homesteading principle, there can be no exploitation. again, hoppe simply misunderstands exploitation…
>Rather, history must be told in terms of freedom and exploitation, parasitism and economic impoverishment, private property and its destruction — otherwise it is told false […] The state is not exploitative because it protects the capitalists’ property rights, but because it itself is exempt from the restriction of having to acquire property productively and contractually.here, i would counter hoppe's notion of "productive" property with smith's notion of unproductive utility:
<The labour of some of the most respectable orders in the society is, like that of menial servants, unproductive of any value, and does not fix or realize itself in any permanent subject; or vendible commodity, which endures after that labour is past, and for which an equal quantity of labour could afterwards be procured. The sovereign, for example, with all the officers both of justice and war who serve under him, the whole army and navy, are unproductive labourers. They are the servants of the public, and are maintained by a part of the annual produce of the industry of other people. Their service, how honourable, how useful, or how necessary soever, produces nothing for which an equal quantity of service can afterwards be procured. The protection, security, and defence of the commonwealth, the effect of their labour this year will not purchase its protection, security, and defence for the year to come. In the same class must be ranked, some both of the gravest and most important, and some of the most frivolous professions: churchmen, lawyers, physicians, men of letters of all kinds; players, buffoons, musicians, opera-singers, opera-dancers, &c.https://www.adamsmithworks.org/documents/chapter-iii-of-the-accumulation-of-capital-or-of-productive-and-unproductive-labourhere, smith allows for the possibility of unproductive utility, which falls on deaf ears, from the likes of michael hudson and hans herman hoppe. to view society from the perspective of production versus parasitism is precisely the view of national socialists, which is not something never far away from hoppe to begin with.
to conclude: hoppe agrees that exploitation exists where there is coercion from an unproductive ruling class which inhabits the state, but that this public policy is entirely separate from private policy between individuals. there can be no exploitation in a contractual agreement - which marx affirms, yet qualifies it by seeing how what is granted in equivalence in exchange also obscures an inequality via a credit relation by the temporality of labour. if wages preceded labour, then the relation of labour to production would be inherently different. therefore, it is the workers themselves who offer a lower time-preference than the capitalist by taking on risk. hoppe's reversal of this either shows ignorance or malice. theoretically then, you could justify the theory of worker exploitation from an austrian perspective, that profits represent the unpaid interest on labour, which incurs a cumulative debt, borne from the higher time-preference of the capitalist.
criticising murray rothbard's criticism of adam smith (wherein smith is accused of being the grandfather of marxism, the annihilator of economic science and purely theologically motivated by calvinism). from rothbard's book "the history of economic thought, vol. 1", chapter 16, section (4) and section (5):
>It is not just durable objects, however, that Adam Smith was interested in; it was durable capital goods. Durable consumer goods, like houses, were again, for Smith, 'unproductive', although he grudgingly conceded that a house 'is no doubt extremely useful' to the person who lives in it. (4)here, rothbard clearly misunderstands smith's entire corpus if he estimates this as a contradiction. a house cannot add value, but is itself a value, either in use or exchange. this is what makes it a finished product, and not a means of production. rothbard's madness continues:
>Adam Smith's bias against consumption and in favour of saving and investment is summed up in Professor Rima's analysis… (4)this entirely goes against smith's concern with raising the wealth of nations by the increasing of consumption. we may even read clearly here:
<Every man is rich or poor according to the degree in which he can afford to enjoy the necessaries, conveniencies, and amusements of human life.https://www.adamsmithworks.org/documents/chapter-v-of-the-real-and-nominal-price-of-commoditiesif smith only cared about saving, he would say the opposite!
murray rothbard continues his ignorance by implying that smith was a mercantilist:
>Professor Edwin West, a modern admirer of Smith who generally portrays the Scotsman as an advocate of laissez-faire, admits Smith's bias: 'Yet Smith, like a prudent stewardofa Scottish aristocrat's estate, could hardly disguise a strong personal preference for much private frugality, and therefore for "productive labor", in the interests of the nation's future accumulation'. (4)of course, if we understand smith's dichotomy between labours, we see smith glowingly praise unproductive labour:
<The sovereign, for example, with all the officers both of justice and war who serve under him, the whole army and navy, are unproductive labourers. They are the servants of the public, and are maintained by a part of the annual produce of the industry of other people. Their service, how honourable, how useful, or how necessary soever, produces nothing for which an equal quantity of service can afterwards be procured. The protection, security, and defence of the commonwealth, the effect of their labour this year will not purchase its protection, security, and defence for the year to come. In the same class must be ranked, some both of the gravest and most important, and some of the most frivolous professions: churchmen, lawyers, physicians, men of letters of all kinds; players, buffoons, musicians, opera-singers, opera-dancers, &c.https://www.adamsmithworks.org/documents/chapter-iii-of-the-accumulation-of-capital-or-of-productive-and-unproductive-labourwhat is unproductive therefore is by no means useless, but may be useful and necessary. this misunderstanding can only follow from not grasping smith's primitive concept of the paradox of value:
<The word VALUE, it is to be observed, has two different meanings, and sometimes expresses the utility of some particular object, and sometimes the power of purchasing other goods which the possession of that object conveys. The one may be called ‘value in use ;’ the other, ‘value in exchange.’ The things which have the greatest value in use have frequently little or no value in exchange; and on the contrary, those which have the greatest value in exchange have frequently little or no value in use. Nothing is more useful than water: but it will purchase scarce any thing; scarce any thing can be had in exchange for it. A diamond, on the contrary, has scarce any value in use; but a very great quantity of other goods may frequently be had in exchange for it.https://www.adamsmithworks.org/documents/chapter-iv-of-the-origin-and-use-of-moneyso smith is actually saying that the more productive that labour is, the more uselessness it may command. rothbard appears to be familiar with the paradox, but still battles smith on his theory that smith was entirely religiously motivated rather than by empirical study:
>Adam Smith's Calvinistic scorn of consumption can be seen in his attack on dancing as 'primitive and rude'. As we shall see, in his 'paradox of value' Smith dismissed diamonds in an excessive way as having 'scarce any value in use'. (4)but this is where rothbard is perhaps hurt the most:
>Smith, furthermore, favoured low and criticized high profits, because high profits induce capitalists to engage in excessive consumption. And since large capitalists set an influential example for others in society, it is all the more important for them to keep to the path of thrift and industry. (4)all rothbard appears to be saying is that petty luxuries should be worth more than people's salaries and that we should create massive wealth inequality.
next section:
>Why is water so useful and yet so cheap, while a frippery like diamonds is so expensive? The difference, said Smith in his lectures, was their relative scarcity: 'It is only on account of the plenty of water that it is so cheap as to be got for the lifting, and on account of the scarcity of diamonds… that they are so dear'. Furthermore, with different supply conditions, the value and price of a product would differ drastically. Thus Smith points out in his lectures that a rich merchant lost in the Arabian desert would value water very highly, and so its price would be very high. Similarly, if the quantityof diamonds could 'by industry…be multiplied', the price of diamonds on the market would fall rapidly. (5)<But in the Wealth of Nations, for some bizarre reason, all this drops out and falls away (5)of course, smith does not reject supply and demand where it concerns market price, since he himself formulates things in this very way (wealth of nations, book 1, chapter 7). he simply affirms that when effectual demand reaches supply, the natural price of commodities is achieved, which is the long-run equilibrium that corresponds to component costs. the relative raising or lowering of prices, he entirely permits in its relativity - yet this still does not make diamonds worth more than a house on the basis of its utility, and scarcity in itself is not a basis of utility either, but only achieves a price in consideration of demand to supply. after citing smith's paradox of value, rothbard goes on an hysterical tirade, claiming smith to be the grandfather of modern socialism:
>And with scarcity gone as the solution to the value paradox, subjective utility virtually drops out of economics as well as does consumption and consumer demand. Utility can no longer explain value and price, and the two sundered concepts will reappear in later generations as left-wingers and socialists happily prate about the crucial difference between 'production for profit' and 'production for use', the heir of the Smithian emphasis on the alleged gulf between 'value in use' and 'value in exchange'. (5)all of this idiocy is of course just an obscured polemic which attempts to justify massive wealth inequality:
>scarcity as determinants of value and price […] that great tradition gets poured down the Orwellian memory hole by Adam Smith's fateful decision to discard even his own previous concepts. (5)to comment on this undignifiable nonsense, rothbard appears to think that smith has no composite theory of price which incorporates supply and demand, despite smith's very theory of value pertaining to the equilibrium of effective demand to supply, which in itself implies the possibility of relative disequilibrium, and therefore the inherent relations of scarcity in price composition. rothbard eventually gets to smith's concept of price and by doing so, retracts from his hyperbole without retracting from his petty insults:
>In effect, he turned away from his almost sole emphasis on explaining market price in the lectures to another concept which for him took on overriding importance: the 'natural price', or what might be called the 'long-run normal' price. (5)rothbard dismisses the very concept of equilibrium in his treatment of natural price:
>Value and price theory shifts, because of Adam Smith's unfortunate and drastic change of focus in the Wealth of Nations, from prices in the real world to a mystical non-existent price in the never-never land of long-run 'equilibrium'. But this alleged natural price is neither more real than nor equally real as the current market price. It is, in fact, not real at all. Only the market price is the real price [.] But the long-run price is never reached, and never can be reached, for it keeps shifting as underlying supply and demand forces continually change. The long-run normal price is important but only for explaining the directional tendencies and the underlying architectonic structure of this economy, and also for analysis ofhow uncertainty affects real-world income and economic activity. (5)rothbard appears in two minds here; he decries the macroeconomic methodology of smith but at once speaks of the tendential rates of price according to equilibrium. his major complaint is that equilibrium never perfectly arises, because all prices are market prices. to what would be rothbard's surprise, smith actually agrees with his major points:
<The actual price at which any commodity is commonly sold, is called its market price. It may either be above, or below, or exactly the same with its natural price.https://www.adamsmithworks.org/documents/chapter-vii-of-the-natural-and-market-price-of-commoditiesin this first instance, smith sees that all prices are market prices, yet they still may conform to natural prices nonetheless. next, he concurs that there is never perfect equilibrium, but only a constant tendency:
<The natural price, therefore, is, as it were, the central price, to which the prices of all commodities are continually gravitating. Different accidents may sometimes keep them suspended a good deal above it, and sometimes force them down even somewhat below it. But whatever may be the obstacles which hinder them from settling in this centre of repose and continuance, they are constantly tending towards it.https://www.adamsmithworks.org/documents/chapter-vii-of-the-natural-and-market-price-of-commoditiesso what exactly are rothbard's complaints besides strawmen and spiteful figments of his imagination? yet rothbard continues in his mischaracterisation:
>Before the Wealth of Nations, economists had always concentrated on the market price, and had seen readily that it was determined by the forces of supply and demand, and hence of utility and scarcity. (5)of course, smith already explains prices on this basis, as we may read with basic comprehension:
<The market price of every particular commodity is regulated by the proportion between the quantity which is actually brought to market, and the demand of those who are willing to pay…https://www.adamsmithworks.org/documents/chapter-vii-of-the-natural-and-market-price-of-commoditiesso rothbard loses all academic integrity in this complaint, even more than in the other cases. rothbard now appears schizophrenic in his revision here:
>Not that the long-run normal price, or as we now call it the 'equilibrium' price, is nonsense. The equilibrium price is the long-run tendency of the market price. (5)he totally accepts smith's proposition. rothbard now double-downs on his attribution of smith to socialism:
>It was, indeed, Adam Smith who was almost solely responsible for the injection into economics of the labour theory of value. And hence it was Smith who may plausibly be held responsible for the emergence and the momentous consequences of Marxism. (5)here, rothbard doesnt simply blame smith for theoretical errors, but as directly responsible for mass murder and tyranny by the hands of marxist ideology. rothbard concludes this section by generalising smith's theories as theologically motivated, and further with ricardo:
>This is the same reason that Smith dwelled on the fallacious doctrine of productive versus unproductive labour. It is the explanation stressed by Emil Kauder, and partially by Paul Douglas: Adam Smith's dour Calvinism. It is Calvinism that scorns man's consumption and pleasure, and stresses the importance of labour virtually for its own sake. It is the dour Calvinist who made the extravagant statement that diamonds had 'scarce any value in use' […] Surely this is a far more realistic view of Adam Smith than the Quixotic romantic in quest of the impossible dream of an invariable measure of value. And while Smith's most famous follower, David Ricardo, was not a Calvinist, his leading immediate disciple, Dugald Stewart, was a Scottish Presbyterian, and the leading Ricardians - John R.McCulloch and James Mill - were both Scottish and educated in Dugald Stewart's University of Edinburgh. The Calvinist connection continued to dominate British - and hence classical - economics. (5)as we have cross-referenced from smith however, all of this is nonsense, and rothbard himself appears entirely contradictory and hysterical - but worse, he himself is factually incorrect about what he speaks on, because he either fundamentally misunderstands smith or blatantly discards him for vain opinions and cheap deceptions.
the comment section of this video is quite toxic despite the lady being fundamentally correct; that as it goes, economic value is a condition of demand (what she may uncritically call "subjective" demand and in more quantitative terms, what is "effective" demand). where she is unfortunately incorrect is in the presumption that marx did not consider this factor. to marx, it appears two-fold; a value is first quantitatively realised in exchange, and then qualitatively in consumption. as marx says, following ricardo; a product which has no use to anyone has no value:
>Lastly nothing can have value, without being an object of utility. If the thing is useless, so is the labour contained in it; the labour does not count as labour, and therefore creates no value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm#12bso marx presumes demand as a prerequisite of value.
yaron brook, like his idol ayn rand, is severely confused on this point. if we grant intellect its full price by the commission of its labour, then it still transacts a cost, and so no further cost may be attributed to it besides the monopoly of this scarce resource. this is why ayn rand saw intellectual property as the justice which is afforded to intellect; that in the continual consumption of its product, it receives continual social substance. this may be true in the most basic respect; that usefulness may extend beyond a singular act, but the cost of the act itself is what is considered when we consider value generally, or that which is paid for an item in exchange. even if life is imbued into production, its result is effectively lifeless. the mind may write, but writings have no mind. what is sold in a book thus possesses no qualities of a specific labour, but only labour in general, which has a fixed cost, and the only thing which may command a higher price is a monopoly, which thenceforth demands rents in the absence of effective competition for profits. the intellect then has a continuity of use-value, but a fixed exchange-value, since the products of the intellect themselves possess no intellect.
this is an interesting video since it posits unproductive labour in relation to a sold product. unproductive labour by definition cannot produce value, but can only either distribute or destroy existing values. the tact of his hypothetical therefore is that all arguments against it are forced to reckon with the real dynamics of labour - yet the LTV from the time of smith duly regards unproductive labour in its useful qualities apart from the exchange of a fixed product. therefore, unproductive labour cannot be exploited (but is that which exploits), and so it grants this youtuber a theoretical victory against any folly of marxists, who would assume value-creation in any station of employment. marx clarifies here:
>This also establishes absolutely what unproductive labour is. It is labour which is not exchanged with capital, but directly with revenue, that is, with wages or profit (including of course the various categories of those who share as co-partners in the capitalist’s profit, such as interest and rent).>That they produce no commodities follows from the nature of the case. For the commodity as such is never an immediate object of consumption, but a bearer of exchange-value.<The great mass of so-called “higher grade” workers—such as state officials, military people, artists, doctors, priests, judges, lawyers, etc.—some of whom are not only not productive but in essence destructive…https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1863/theories-surplus-value/ch04.htmas marx says, productive labour bares immediate relation to capital so as to produce exchange-values, while unproductive labour bares immediate relation to revenue so as to produce use-values. the real relations in the video therefore are not value-creating, but is only a form of mercantile over-pricing, which itself is a pre-capitalist form of rent or interest on trade.
in david harvey's controversial article:
https://davidharvey.org/2018/03/marxs-refusal-of-the-labour-theory-of-value-by-david-harvey/#2he speaks marx's "refusal" of a labour theory of value. in this, he offers a separate essay in place of his own:
https://libcom.org/article/value-theory-labour-diane-elsondiane elson's "the value theory of labour" (1979). harvey gives a basic explanation as to his distinction from a ricardian labour theory of value by 3 divisions; (1) the labour theory of value, (2) the "value theory of labour" and (3) the social reproduction of value:
<A first cut at Marx’s value theory, I conclude, centers on the constantly shifting and contradictory unity between what is traditionally referred to as the labour theory of value in the sphere of the market (as set out in the first six chapters of Capital) and the value theory of labour in the sphere of production (as analyzed in chapters 7 to 25 of Capital) […] In the same way that the value theory of labour is foundational for Marx’s approach to value, so “a value theory of social reproduction” emerges as an important focus for study […] If there is no market there is no value. The contradictions posed from the standpoint of social reproduction theory for values as realized in the market are multiple. If, for example, there are no healthy, educated, disciplined and skilled labourers in the reserve army then it can no longer perform its role […] Such wants, needs and desires are deeply embedded in the world of social reproduction. Without them, as Marx notes in the first chapter of Capital, there is no value. This introduces the idea of “not-value” or “anti-value” into the discussion. It also means that the diminution of wages to almost nothing will be counterproductive to the realization of value and surplus value in the market.https://davidharvey.org/2018/03/marxs-refusal-of-the-labour-theory-of-value-by-david-harvey/#4 what we may therefore decipher in harvey's distinctions is 3 stages of the social process; (1) production, (2) exchange and (3) reproduction. this occurs by 2 modes of value's motion: (1) anti-value and (2) value. for additional context, we must read diane's essay. she begins thusly:
<to regard Marx’s theory of value as a proof of exploitation tends to dehistoricise value, to make value synonymous with labour-time, and to make redundant Marx’s distinction between surplus labour and surplus value.https://libcom.org/article/value-theory-labour-diane-elsonhere then, value is clearly understood as a particular social form, rather than an instrinsic material reality. to diane (with reference to "dobb"), marx's theory of surplus value (exploitation) is particular to the form of surplus labour alienated as a sold product; surplus as exchangeable value, rather than a value for use. we may make reference to marx for this:
<All the slave’s labour appears as unpaid labour. In wage labour, on the contrary, even surplus-labour, or unpaid labour, appears as paid. There the property-relation conceals the labour of the slave for himself; here the money-relation conceals the unrequited labour of the wage labourer. Hence, we may understand the decisive importance of the transformation of value and price of labour-power into the form of wages, or into the value and price of labour itself.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch19.htmso, value is defined by a money relation to commodities, not to the processes of production as such. the only difference between a slave and a wage-slave is precisely the wage, thus. marx himself speaks on how value is a creature of exchange within the capitalist mode of production (markets of competing capitals) as compared to the social mode of production (monopoly):
<Within the co-operative society based on common ownership of the means of production, the producers do not exchange their products; just as little does the labor employed on the products appear here as the value of these products, as a material quality possessed by them, since now, in contrast to capitalist society, individual labor no longer exists in an indirect fashion but directly as a component part of total labor […] Here, obviously, the same principle prevails as that which regulates the exchange of commodities, as far as this is exchange of equal values. Content and form are changed, because under the altered circumstances no one can give anything except his labor, and because, on the other hand, nothing can pass to the ownership of individuals, except individual means of consumption.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/ch01.htmthis mode of distribution avoids value formation, since it is no longer a relation of commodity to commodity, but of a token to a direct object of consumption. marx appropriates robert owen's "labour-money" as "certificates" in his own thought and explains the difference between money and these tokens here:
<On this point I will only say further, that Owen’s “labour-money,” for instance, is no more “money” than a ticket for the theatre. Owen pre-supposes directly associated labour, a form of production that is entirely inconsistent with the production of commodities. The certificate of labour is merely evidence of the part taken by the individual in the common labour, and of his right to a certain portion of the common produce destined for consumption. But it never enters into Owen’s head to pre-suppose the production of commodities, and at the same time, by juggling with money, to try to evade the necessary conditions of that production.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmthe "direct association" of labour, rather than its indirect trading of goods therefore abolishes commodity production, since goods are made for use alone. but as marx says, the "content" of value is preserved, even in the subordination of its form. the formation of values therefore comes by commodity production, or the production of exchange-values over direct use-values. to produce in order to exchange; this is the form by which labour becomes a value. harvey also preserves the meaning of this "alienation" here (2017):
<Value in Marx is socially necessary alienated labour.>david harvey, the madness of economic reason, ch. 9value then, is not a mere act of production, but production for the sake of exchange, and within exchange, its social reproduction and private realisation. the means of production then come into conflict with the means of consumption, as profits battle against wages, capital against labour and the employed with the unemployed. we may then see something like the welfare state as capital's solution to this antagonism, by expanding the means of consumption (or in keynesian terms, the increased rate of effective demand).
is harvey's cursory analysis correct therefore? only in cursory terms. what harvey appears to be saying is in line with diane elson - that labour in itself does not create value, but values are still created by labour. further, the production of values is only in relation to its realisation by consumption, and therefore, supply must meet demand in the market (what marx in the grundrisse describes as "productive consumption" progressing to "consumptive production"). to harvey and elson, "value" is another term for "alienation", and this is true in so far as labour becomes commodified, and so an external representation of social labour. a hegelian would see this as necessary for social knowledge, but marx's concern appears to be that when commodities are the sole medium of social relations, then value is realised at the expense of men themselves. as he writes:
<To the latter, therefore, the relations connecting the labour of one individual with that of the rest appear, not as direct social relations between individuals at work, but as what they really are, material relations between persons and social relations between things.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmmichael heinrich calls this "impersonal domination". a post-capitalist framework then is about reversing the order of production, where it serves men's desire to consume use-values, rather than trade exchange-values:
<Could commodities themselves speak, they would say: Our use value may be a thing that interests men. It is no part of us as objects. What, however, does belong to us as objects, is our value. Our natural intercourse as commodities proves it. In the eyes of each other we are nothing but exchange values.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm"value" as alienation thus proves to oppress humanity by serving the subjectivity of another over oneself. thus, marx characterises capital as a hostile organism:
<But capital has one single life impulse, the tendency to create value and surplus-value, to make its constant factor, the means of production, absorb the greatest possible amount of surplus-labour. Capital is dead labour, that, vampire-like, only lives by sucking living labour, and lives the more, the more labour it sucks.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch10.htm<The science which compels the inanimate limbs of the machinery, by their construction, to act purposefully, as an automaton, does not exist in the worker’s consciousness, but rather acts upon him through the machine as an alien power, as the power of the machine itself. The appropriation of living labour by objectified labour – of the power or activity which creates value by value existing for-itself – which lies in the concept of capital, is posited, in production resting on machinery, as the character of the production process itself, including its material elements and its material motion. The production process has ceased to be a labour process in the sense of a process dominated by labour as its governing unity. Labour appears, rather, merely as a conscious organ, scattered among the individual living workers at numerous points of the mechanical system; subsumed under the total process of the machinery itself, as itself only a link of the system, whose unity exists not in the living workers, but rather in the living (active) machinery, which confronts his individual, insignificant doings as a mighty organism.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch13.htmhere, marx is quite clear. value existing for-itself is the aim of an "alien power" which oppresses man by "dead labour" acting as a vampire to absorb his life force. these are not empty metaphors either, but real concerns (what is also claimed by ian wright of capital being a "real god" - or in hegelian terms, a total subject or geist. nick land also imagines capital in a similar sense):
<But Marx, in comments on James Mill written in 1844, says something more. After making his typical point that the essence of money is a specific kind of social practice — rather than some property of a material thing, such as gold — he then says that our social practice has become an independent, material thing — an actual entity, a “real God” — that has real causal powers. And that we are slaves to this god, and its cult has become an end in itself.https://ianwrightsite.wordpress.com/2020/09/03/marx-on-capital-as-a-real-god-2/<The story goes like this: Earth is captured by a technocapital singularity as renaissance rationalitization and oceanic navigation lock into commoditization take-off. Logistically accelerating techno-economic interactivity crumbles social order in auto-sophisticating machine runaway. As markets learn to manufacture intelligence, politics modernizes, upgrades paranoia, and tries to get a grip.http://www.ccru.net/swarm1/1_melt.htmdifference is, ian opposes capital while nick supports it, but both agree as to its self-determination. an intermediary figure would be todd mcgowan, who as a hegelian, embraces alienation, but also sees that it must be realised by self-consciousness. thus, he targets capitalist ideology in regards to commodity production, but reverses it in seeking a new form of commodity, in the consciousness of what david harvey calls "anti-value", but as a magnitude of "surplus jouissance", or social sublimity. nick land approaches this in "thirst for annihilation" but is too positivist to understand properly.
here is a very interesting excerpt from montchretien's treatise (1615), where the "bourgeoisie" is directly invoked and where montechretien advises royalty to show favour to them for greater wealth - in this then, is the inkling of class war, where the bourgeoisie is appealing to the aristocracy in line with its own ascendancy:
>In a few seasons, the reason of state commands princes to attract them… Thus our Louis XI repopulated his city of Bordeaux, allowing all foreigners, both friends and enemies, except the English, to enjoy its privileges. Thus Richard, King of England, filled his main city of London with craftsmen and merchants, granting the rights of natives to all those who had lived there for ten years. Thus the great King Francis, having built Le Havre in Normandy, settled there in a short time a large number of families, attracted to his new walls by the exemptions he granted them.
>Now that France has no more empty space than nature itself, you need not rack your royal brains to attract foreigners there. Enough come of their own accord, but more to take away than to bring. Your Majesties should simply receive them a little better than others and more willingly those who, as for the payment of our BOURGEOISIE, can share with us some profitable and advantageous industry. We are led and instructed in this by the examples of our neighbours, who make better use of us than we do ourselves. A fine mind must enjoy all its natural rights everywhere. There is often as much distance between one man and another as between man and beast.
<(book 1, pages 36-37)
ive successfully transcribed the first book of montchretien's "treatise" (1615) and may even have an english translation ready tomorrow. 👍
i never intended for smith anon to take over this thread and drown everyone else out. it's the second saddest thing, next to the esoteric hegelian nazi taking over /edu/
>>2481326it would have been a worthy sacrifice but people stopped taking his bait and now he is leaking into other threads
is there a point to writing about political economy if you can't get it published lol
should I just write on substack? I have a few plans for what I want to write on
>>2481959to expand I want to write about the other topics in Marx's original plan for critique of political economy (in his contribution's preface), something short and simple
I'm starting to study more intensively Adam Smith, David Ricardo, of course, Marx (I ignore Keynes and other retards)
the idea is to also write something interesting for the readers of my specific country
is Anwar Shaikh worth reading?
>>2481326I can counter him by spamming friedrich list stuff. Do you want that?
>>2481961>i ignore keynes and other retardsyou've never read keynes, so be quiet. and in similar fashion, you'll resist austrian and neoclassical economics without even possessing the context for your disagreement. intellectual dishonesty.
>>2481326i wouldnt have so much input if i wasnt countered at every turn by illiterate cultists. my posting began in the das kapital thread, where i gave my disagreements of marx's commodity money theory, which after a thousand posts, was finally admitted to. so if people accepted the truth to begin with, there would be no need to endlessly insist upon factual matters. my further disputes of "value" as a metaphysical substance is correctly historicised by marx in one respect but not another - he accepts that "value" is largely a modern concept conditioned by wage labour, but also sees that value is an unconditional medium of commodity exchange by retroactivity - whilst also dismissing certain exchanges as possessing a relation of "imaginary" value, without elaboration. its this same metaphysic which also causes marx to dismiss fiat currency, which in light of contemporary theory and practice, is a false starter. marx's historical example of aristotle lacking a theory of value also fails, since aristotle has a theory of value as consumer demand, with a subsequent chartalist theory of money. so its not that marx is outdated, he's just wrong on this topic. he infects engels, who says ridiculous things like this:
>the law of value has prevailed during a period of from five to seven thousand yearshttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/supp.htmof course, smith has no such conjectural jargon, since he separates value into two modes, utility and exchange, which has its general and particular forms. marx's bad grammar is also present here, where he speaks of "use-value" separate from "value" as such. "use-value" should refer to a "value in use", as smith puts it. anyway, i'll leave it there for now.
(1/2)
reviewing antoine montchretien's "treatise on political economy", book one, "on the usefulness of mechanical arts and manufacturing regulations” (1615). ive decided to split the contents of this review into 5 parts which reflect the general themes included:
PART 1: DEFINING POLITICAL ECONOMY
>Those who are called to govern the States must have glory, growth and enrichment as their main goal (pg. 3)here, montchetrien is basing his concept of a state on economic foundations, such as aristotle does here:
<From this definition of a Nation, it is evident that the art of Housecraft is older than that of Statecraft, since the Household, which it creates, is older; being a component part of the Nation created by Statecraft.https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0048and which montchretien mirrors, further:
>Private affairs determine public affairs. The household comes before the city; the city before the province; the province before the kingdom. Thus, the art of politics depends indirectly on economics; and, as it owes much to it in terms of conformity, it must likewise borrow from it. For good domestic government, properly understood, is a model and pattern for public government, whether one considers right command or faithful obedience, the principal bond between the two. (pg. 10)we have principally established the corresponding orders of social life therefore: the private and public; the household and city; the economic and political.
PART 2: THE BODY POLITIC
>Your state is composed of three principal members: the ecclesiastical, the noble and the popular. As for the judiciary, I consider it to be the cement and mortar that binds the other three together. (pg. 3)of this popular man, he makes comment:
For it is their first foundation, as in the disposition of the world the earth serves as a pedestal and centre for the other three elements… We can therefore say that without this body, which forms the bulk of the State, the rest could not survive for long without falling back into the mixture and confusion of its original chaos. (pgs. 3-4)
here he invokes the state as a "body", where its most primary aspect is also its most subordinate, and of this popular man he describes three types:
>The third order is composed of three types of men: labourers, artisans and merchants (pg. 4)these men differ from the others thusly:
>Among these three kinds of men are practised the effective arts, commonly called mechanical, having more regard to the hands that exercise them than to their own dignity… We note in mechanics the representations and images of the same prudence that shines in the liberal arts, in proportion to their greater or lesser merit (pgs. 4-5)so then, the stations of life are separated either by the employment of mechanical arts or liberal arts. yet, as montchretien has it, these are of equal worth and so should possess the same standard of judgement:
>Who would not blame careless mechanics for not having the tools appropriate to their trade, or who, having them, would be ignorant of their names and even more so of their uses? And what reproach falls upon the politician, acting in his work not by inanimate means, but by instruments having feeling, movement and reason, if he does not judiciously know to what they can and must be applied, in order to bring forth that great masterpiece of salvation and public utility which must be the supreme law of all his imaginations and actions? (pg. 7)here is further division between the tasks of public and private sectors, where the practitioners of the mechanical arts use inanimate tools while those who practice liberal arts may use living tools for purpose.
in the designation of functions, he overtly compares the 3 elements of social life to the 3 powers of a body:
>There is a great and very close resemblance between well-composed bodies of states and bodies of animals. Animals are governed by three faculties that are more different than diverse, which doctors call souls. The first is the vegetative soul, which they share with trees and plants, and which resides in the liver and the blood that is produced there. This soul nourishes the body and is dispersed in its members along with the blood in its veins. The ploughmen and labourers working the earth, hold the place of this soul in the Republic. The second is the sensitivity, which resides in the heart, the source of natural heat, and from the heart spreads throughout the body via the arteries. In the State, craftsmen and tradesmen are properly like this faculty. The third is the animal and has its seat in the brain, where it presides over instincts and actions and through the organs of the nerves divided into several branches, gives movement to the whole body. The merchants who are in civil society can with much reason be assigned to the latter. Through these three kinds of men, labourers, craftsmen and merchants, every state is maintained, sustained and nurtured. Through them all profit comes and is made, and are the various digeslions, no more and no less than in the natural body, always transmuted into something better… (pgs. 25-26)and further in all these respects:
>It could be said that ploughmen are the feet of the State, for they support it and bear all the burden of the body. Your Majesties must guard against weariness, for if they grew weary, the head would suffer like the other members […] And, if we take it this way, we can say that they are still to the State what the liver is to the body. (pg. 38)so labour is the foundation of the body:
>Human happiness, to speak of it in our style, consists mainly in wealth, and wealth in work. No more or less than all animals that have blood have heart, all countries that have wealth have industry. Industry, holding such a place there, must therefore be their first living and their last dying. (pg. 95)here, the lifeblood as a metaphor appears again, and in a final sentiment, it becomes quintessence:
>We will call it the art of the arts, the common element of their elements, the hand of all working hands, the first instinct of invention; and we will say that it is, alongside the others, which are moved by it, the mover and organ of movement; the means that the imagination, stirred by curious research, has found in nature to bring to perfection everything that depends on artificial operation. (pg. 42)>the arts are undoubtedly the lime and the cement which join and bind to the building of the Republic the parts which are dissimilar in nature, which without this means could not have a lasting consistency; justice is spread and dispersed in all them in pieces, just as blood, in which the spirits of life are contained, flows in streams in all the veins and arteries; one could not offend a single one without violating it. They all belong to humanity and are all held together by a common chain, composed of several links intertwined one in the other, and the chain can be in the hand of the sovereign master of police, this golden chain, which Jupiter boasted of being able, when he wanted, to draw the sky, the earth and the sea to himself. It is with these links which have soul, and are capable of mutual functions that the peoples are joined. (pg. 120)in this, the identity of justice is also found, as the social substance of composite art in human labour as such. in this aspect of montchretien's conception we may come to define the social body (this is detailed in the conclusion).
PART 3: LABOUR, PRICE AND VALUE
the most elementary economic concepts concern us in this section of analysis, beginning with the division of labour itself:
>for not one is capable of providing for all his needs, I will not say for many, but even for himself, and from this has come this multiplicity of arts (pg. 9)it is thus for the sake of necessity that different labours arise, but also according to separate talents;
>We are all like bricks made from the same clay, but not all from a mold, not from an earth equally kneaded, worked, and, as it were, refined. As bodies are born more robust than each other, there likewise come here minds that are beautiful and rare par excellence. (pg. 98)>All this boils down to this point: that in the State as well as in the family, it is a mixed blessing of the greatest benefit to manage men well according to their particular and proper inclinations. (pg. 25)so labour divides according to its separate uses. of the employment of labour, montchretien sees the means of production in 3 modes:
>Nothing can be done without means, but everything with means. We have the three main ones: places, materials, men, and, to give shape to things, industry; for places, woods and water; for materials, steel and iron; for men, good craftsmen; when I say good, that is to say capable of carrying out and perfecting all work well. (pgs. 51-52)here then, montchretien conceives of the classical triad of land, capital (raw materials) and labour in the process of production. of these means, he also perceives their worth, not in the status of their breadth, but their productive capability:
>Among labourers, it is not the one who has the most land who gets the most out of his labour, but the one who knows best the natural quality of each of his plots, which seed is most suitable for them and in which season he must sow them. The wealth of a state does not depend simply on its size or the abundance of its people, but on leaving no land uncultivated and judiciously assigning each person to their proper office. (pgs. 24-25)this abridges the classical theory of rents, not upon the scarcity of land, but upon the value which it produces.
after establishing the primary economic act therefore, in the division of labour for the sake of greater production, we may see what underlies the principle of trade:
>For the most common bonding of men and their most frequent coming together depends on the help they give each other and the mutual services they render each other from hand to hand… but in such a way that each is more inclined to his own particular benefit as if from his own movement and to speak of this other general movement that nature gives him, without his being almost aware of it, as his primary motive… So much hassle, so much labour by so many men, has no other aim than gain. The circle of business is reduced to this centre; the necessity of movement circumscribes this point. (pgs. 33-34)here then is the "invisible hand" of smith; the paradox between a desire for selfish gain and mutual benefit. the "circle of business" is thus a mediated antagonism. following from this basis, we may see montchretien's elaboration upon the price and value of commodities. we may first read this distinction he makes:
>…the value and price of his work (pg. 47)value and price are separated. and further, here:
>And in this way the point will remain established: that gold is valued more for its price, but that iron must be valued more for its use. (pg. 54)here, montchretien perfectly speaks upon the paradox of value (first spoken of by xenophon and aristotle and later attributed to smith). value is thus two-fold, between what a commodity will exchange for (price) and its useful qualities. this is one conclusion, yet there is also this comment made by montchretien:
>He who knows little of the nature and use of things esteems them otherwise than by their end […] all tools have their price for their use and that it decreases the more they leave it and are less capable of it (pg. 48)he appears to be relating the utility of an item proportional to its price, supplanting the paradox. he only speaks of a decreasing price with uselessness however, and not an increased marginal utility. therefore, he may simply be establishing that the "full" price of a commodity is paid for by its adequate utility. we need further context as to what factors influence price then:
>abundance comes from the labour of many; and the labour of many cannot be lacking in things that sell well. (pg. 49)increased supply of goods thus allow for better sale:
>Thus, through this increased task, they have found a way to sell their work, which they send us cheaper—almost half—than ours can; and when and when they have decided to supply us with several books, which are more commonly used and therefore more readily available. (pgs. 86-87)prices then appear relative to supply and demand, as we may also read here:
>To return to my subject, since printing has now passed from one nation to another, it cannot produce as much profit for those who practice it as it did in the past, when few people worked at it and among these peoples, few men […] I have no doubt, however, that if the import of foreign books were prohibited, printers and booksellers would soon become quite rich. (88)here, higher profits (from higher prices) appear as consequences of limiting the rate of production. the higher profits of the past compared to the competitive cheapness of contemporary industry are thus compared. there is finally this comment:
>After woolen drapery comes silk drapery, or rather, it precedes it, as in price, in rarity, in use, in our luxury. (70)price and rarity are the determining factors of price.
final remarks on this section include this apparently early notion of keynes' law of markets;
>Necessity drives the work, and use produces abundance. Care and artifice always have their eyes open and their hands at work to fill the gap. If we did not need so much linen, why would so much be made? The same applies to clothing. (pg. 63)discarding the imperative of "necessity", what appears to be communicated is that "demand creates its own supply", as it is commonly understood today. continuing with this proto-keynesianism, we can see montchretien's enthusiasm for full employment (spoken on more in the next section), where he sees that what is best for men to overcome poverty is their employment and good pay:
>There is no better way to remedy all these evils [poverty] together than to employ men, as I have said elsewhere, and as other peoples do, in various ways. For few, who look closely at it, will find themselves incapable of it. (pg. 102)>It takes little to ruin a poor man; his sweat well deserves some rent: seeing himself deprived of a just and legitimate gain, he will undoubtedly tend to work illegitimately, which he cannot do without harming the public and very often himself. (pgs. 104-105)here, it is understood that a man will work better if he is also paid better for his efforts, and so echoes smith's comments that the richest countries have lowest profits, for the sake that the social revenue goes to wages.
(2/2)
PART 4: NATIONAL INDUSTRY AND FOREIGN TRADE
where montchretien disagrees with smith absolutely is in his protectionist schemes to preserve france's national industry from foreign competition and trade. he makes these grim comments, implying that foreign trade is a form of theft and dependence:
>Every society must be abundantly supplied with them and from itself. It must not borrow elsewhere what it needs: for, being able to have only the mercy of others, it becomes weaker by the same amount. (pgs. 40-41)
>It is to cut the sinews of your State and seek to keep the instruments of its value by borrowing from others […] It's like cutting your own throat with your own coat. (pgs. 46-47)
>Who would not prefer to purchase an art at a low price than through so much vigilance and labor? […] This is how foreigners have prevailed over us. (pg. 106)
>From what is bought and traded among our men, it is not so; one hand emptying itself fills the other, and it is like a transfusion from a full vessel into a void. (pg. 107)
not just material theft, but also artistic theft (he appears to be an early advocate for intellectual property):
>I wish to make it clear to Your Majesties that France, your sole love and your dearest delight, is full of these fine arts and useful crafts, which foreigners who practise them like us would like to deceive us forever, appropriating for themselves, against all rights, this naive and legitimate industry. (pg. 23)
>England is a sufficient example of this, which since our civil wars, taking advantage of the confusion in this Kingdom, has learned so well from the skill of our men, who came to her as if to a port of refuge, that she now practises with glory and profit these same Arts that we had long kept as our property, from whose work we alone made do; in such a way that we have even entertained our gain, now retained by his labour for herself. (pg. 44)
his feelings may be summarised in these terms:
>Give yourself the satisfaction of seeing laziness driven out of the boutiques to hammer blows, of seeing iron transmute into gold in the hands of your men, instead of France's gold being transformed into iron by the artifice of foreigners. Give yourself the glory of having the best craftsmen in the world and the most industrious in everything to do with weapons of war or instruments of peace. (pg. 53)
>For all the above [clothing manufacturing], your subjects must beg your Majesties to grant them, through your authority, the means and power to use and benefit from their own industry, in such a way that the profit remains theirs… (pg. 79)
>It is right, it is natural equity, everyone must cultivate their own land; each country must feed and maintain its people. (pg. 110)
for basic solutions to foreign imports he suggests basic regulations:
>Let them have free access among us, as they have always had more than anywhere else in the world;
but at the very least, let their negotiations and privileges be limited and circumstantial (pgs. 30-31)
<Let no one persuade Your Majesties that your tributes, taxes, and duties will diminish by prohibiting foreign manufactured goods that come into this kingdom. There are a thousand ways to disinterest yourself, without trampling on your people, either on the merchandise or on the work. (pg. 121)
but for means of greater solutions, he suggests, from word of what is present in other countries, an industrial education for the youth and the employment of many men in the manner of apprenticeship:
>The first is to gather them together and confine them to public houses, the boys apart and the girls apart, and make both work there in all kinds of manufactures, drapery, filling, linen, lingerie, etc. For there is no doubt that many of your subjects, who can provide for their upkeep or raise some company for this purpose, will very willingly undertake this course, when by prohibiting the importation of foreign works they will be assured of being relieved of those they can have manufactured. These houses of which I have just spoken are called by the Dutch "schools" and "good law" since one learns how to live there;… Those who are placed there are employed in various ways, well fed and well maintained. To distinguish them from the others, they are dressed in two colors, so that, if they go out through debauchery or otherwise, they are recognized and brought back. They are not taken from there except to marry them. When they learn a skill, they are taken to see girls who are born and governed in the same way to have them choose a wife. Then, giving them some money and some accommodation, they are allowed to go free, or to remain in the house where they were fed, raised, and educated, to continue their trade with good wages and salaries, which they receive from the society that supports them. Here is another order that the same Dutch people maintain for the assistance of the poor who, eager to learn a skill, seek the means to do so. After finding a master in the city, they go and swear an oath before the magistrate to serve him well and faithfully for a certain number of years, giving them two sous, or six blancs per day, as agreed, without him being required to provide them with lodging or food. He gives them a free interval, from twelve o'clock until one, to ask and receive their meals, which they find and receive without leaving the district, especially since they have certain houses assigned, which feed them with leftovers and then cover them with clothing. This is to be understood only for the natives of the country; for it is not their custom to receive any foreigners, especially French, except in exchange. Both these methods are excellent for employing those who are not poor, without being a burden to the State; and I am surprised that Your Majesties were not persuaded to do so when it was proposed to them to order that the beggars of this kingdom be confined by the cities and fed by public charity. (pgs. 99-101)
this plan is first mentioned earlier in the text:
>What can be achieved by establishing in each province of this kingdom several different workshops for various types of manufacturing, depending on what is convenient there. This will undoubtedly create fine nurseries of craftsmen, which will bring great wealth to the country […] Thus industry will be promoted among a large number of men who languish uselessly. Thus the public will be relieved, and it will be proven that there is no art so small that it does not provide food and clothing for its man. Thus trade will increase, which is properly only the result of artifice; which is the basin of its fountain from which public necessity drinks, and which spills over its edges enough water to satisfy strangers, without allowing them to draw from it as they do. (pg. 20-21)
this is montchretien's masterplan for society.
PART 5: CONCLUSION
what we see in montchretien's work is a macroeconomic manuscript which conceives the social body as a unified organism which may nonetheless be constituted in its separate parts; the lifeblood of labour spreads as quintessence between all realms as the presence of justice and wealth, where what is given must be paid for what is owed. the organs and foundations of the state he places in popular men rather than its leadership. this democratic principle extends itself into the privileging of mechanical arts over liberality, a consequent materialism; the head is supported by the feet; the brain by the liver and heart. there is nothing we may rightly criticise in this work, for it provides evident truths to all who approach it. im very glad to have translated and read this piece of history.
as a sketch of the work, i will detail his diagrams:
society = private households (preceding) + public states (proceeding). the state depends on the household and the household may be intervened upon by the state.
<the public hand helps the private one (pg. 115)
3 social classes = priests, nobles, citizens (+ judiciary)
3 types of citizen = labourers (l), craftsmen (c), merchants (m)
3 souls of a body = vegetative (v), sensitive (s), animal (a)
3 organs of society = liver (v+a), heart (s+c), brain (a+m)
unity of the state = blood/quintessence (labour/justice)
the social body is thus conceived of as the foundational collaboration of different labours of the citizenry.
here is nicolaus copernicus' "Monete cudende ratio - Essay on the Coinage of Money" (1526), apparently the founding document of the quantity theory of money:
http://webs2.uci.umk.pl/nct/en/archives/money/4/?view=transkrypcja&lang=enin this text, he designates money as the measure of value, he separates between the nominal and real value of money (what he calls "face value" and "intrinsic value") and finally, offers his own monetary policy proposals, seeing a duty in maintaining a stable currency (whilst also claiming that a cheaper currency may help exchange in the short run, while it leads to ruin in the long run; spending versus saving, etc.)
here is an interesting blog post which cites carl menger's views on paper money possessesing temporary legitimacy because it has been designated as the means of taxation:
http://socialdemocracy21stcentury.blogspot.com/2024/07/per-bylund-versus-carl-menger-on-taxes.html?m=1>The fundamental passages come in Carl Menger’s Lectures to Crown Prince Rudolf of Austria (1876):<The state note is the paper money which is issued by government and has acquired the status of money only because citizens are entitled to pay their taxes with it (Menger 1994 [1876]: 142). …. In any country with a well-ordered monetary system, the quantity of state notes in circulation must be fixed, and the government should then resolve not to exceed this quantity under any circumstances by issuing more notes. State notes derive their value only from the fact that they may be used for paying taxes; a fairly small quantity of them is sufficient for this purpose; an issue of notes in excess of this requirement will certainly have harmful consequences, since the notes are thereby devalued and must then have their terms of exchange fixed by decree” (Menger 1994 [1876]: 143).what then apparently regulates the function of paper money is its social monopoly and relative quantity.
it has been brought to my attention that a marxist writer named spencer leonard has written on adam smith, so ive decided to go through his articles:
in this first article (2013):
https://platypus1917.org/2013/11/01/adam-smith-revolutionary/everything is plainly stated besides the conclusive remarks:
>For Marxism seeks in its struggle to advance social-political emancipation not to redeem history from the wreckage of Smith’s “utopianism of process”; rather, it seeks to redeem Smith’s project from the wreckage of history. Under conditions of capital, Smith’s thought itself demands its own critique.yet, no "critique" has been so-far offered, and even with leonard's defence against david harvey's pithy statements, he remains unconditionally intact (such as i have previously cited in rothbard's or menger's derangements, where the austrian school appears to frustrate itself over things smith never claimed, only to arrive at smith's own conclusions - marx's "criticisms" against smith are similarly empty; see "theories of surplus value", chapter 3). leonard's final comments then appear unjustified. if you have a "critique", then offer it, rather than presuming some necessary error.
in his second article (2011):
https://weeklyworker.co.uk/worker/895/adam-smiths-profoundest-reader/he correctly states that so much of marx's work is built from smithian foundations, and doubly, that this fact is generally evaded by public reputation. as spencer also interestingly notes, smith has more references in the marxist.org archive than hegel, the "mighty thinker" to whom marx was a "student" (as i have previously cited also, proudhon in 1848 admitted that the bible, adam smith and hegel were his "three masters", so this shows an interesting crossover and milieu). spencer treats the failure to recognise marx's influence as a stalinist reflex to abandon bourgeois liberal thinkers as a roadblock rather than a bridge to socialist politics; leonard correctly calls this a sign of the left's death and decay, considering that the political left is historically based in bourgeois liberalism, with various socialisms even containing reactionary elements to combat a burgeoning individualism made possible by liberalism's melting everything into air (see: arch reactionary thomas carlyle's comments on the "cash nexus", later adopted by marx and engels).
later in the article (after many meanderings), he returns to marx and smith by stating this:
>Thus Marx undertook no anachronistic critique of Smith, but only of the unconscious repetition of Smith’s emancipatory project.to me, this is flattering, but also bewildering. marx's economic writings are smithian (and ricardian) in their bare necessity, but the respective politics of emancipation for each man are rather different. so i see leonard's revolutionary bourgeoisdom get ahead of itself here, by overconforming to a synchronous notion of "the left". liberals are not merely communists in potential (or alternatively, communists are not liberals in actuality), and ironically, this is mostly an idea spread by reactionaries, today and yesterday - spencer directly makes this conflation however (marx was a liberal):
>he [marx] critiques liberalism precisely in order to achieve its aspirations under the new conditions that liberalism itself has produced.>the Marx who recognised capital’s disintegrative, regressive potential; who recognised, that is, that liberal society was rotting from within and could only be fulfilled in and through socialism<… the project of human emancipation first begun in the bourgeois revolution …https://weeklyworker.co.uk/worker/895/adam-smiths-profoundest-reader/while it is true that in critique of the gotha programme (1875), marx sees his co-operative society actualise "bourgeois right" over the social product, he is still entirely ambiguous about the question of property. he makes allusion in the manifesto (1848) and capital vol. 1, chapter 32 (1867) that "self-earned property" may be preserved under communism, yet he still sees all means of production centralised in the state (communist manifesto, chapters 1 and 2), so this artisinal property of precapitalist relations clearly loses its legitimacy. marx's ambiguity portrays a contradiction which still persists communist discourse today which portrays communist "personal property" merely as a rented asset, with a separate administrative caste possessing rights over everything. nothing is less liberal in this case (see: kant, "what is enlightenment?", 1784). again, leonard's enthusiasm to establish a bourgeois canon of the left fails because marx's principle criticism in the manifesto is strictly against the left:
>Yet, when it was written, we could not have called it a socialist manifesto […] Thus, in 1847, socialism was a middle-class movement, communism a working-class movement. Socialism was, on the Continent at least, “respectable”; communism was the very opposite.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/preface.htmmarxist communism is itself a criticism of socialism (see: communist manifesto, chapter 3)
leonard makes this comment:
>Marx’s critique of Smith hinges on the respecification under changed circumstances of the theory and practice question. It is no simple matter of correcting Smith’s theoretical errors. he is imagining that marx had no criticism of smith, but just a recontextualisation. of course, this is false; i would just say that marx's criticisms are ineffectual. his positions "against" classical economics are confused:
>(capital vol. 1, chapter 1, footnotes 32 and 33)>(capital vol. 1, chapter 19)since any general expositor of marx gives the classical position regardless, leading some people (i.e. michael hudson), to associate marx with the classicals - despite marx originating the very term "classical economics" (see: keynes, "general theory", chapter 1, footnote 1) and establishing his own distance from it:
>The decisive outcome of the research carried on for over a century and a half by classical political economy, beginning with William Petty in Britain and Boisguillebert in France, and ending with Ricardo in Britain and Sismondi in France, is an analysis of the aspects of the commodity into two forms of labour – use-value is reduced to concrete labour or purposive productive activity, exchange-value to labour-time or homogeneous social labour.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1859/critique-pol-economy/ch01a.htm<Classical Political Economy nearly touches the true relation of things, without, however, consciously formulating it. This it cannot, so long as it sticks in its bourgeois skin.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch19.htm spencer makes this claim:
>Capitalism is the first emergent totality or mode of production; in a philosophical sense, the first society. This is not simply because it breaks with the long history of human collectivity as an amalgam of castes, ranks or estates, but because at capitalism’s core is freedom, albeit a freedom that, in the very attainment of its concept, comes into contradiction with itself. This is what distinguishes capitalism not only from all hitherto existing (class) societies, but from all human pre-history.this appears to be a deeply un-hegelian perspective. the consciousness of freedom is conditioned by history, but is not limited in its perpetual actuality. as marx says:
>Freedom is so much the essence of man that even its opponents implement it while combating its reality; they want to appropriate for, themselves as a most precious ornament what they have rejected as an ornament of human nature. No man combats freedom; at most he combats the freedom of others. Hence every kind of freedom has always existed, only at one time as a special privilege, at another as a universal right.https://marxists.architexturez.net/archive/marx/works/1842/free-press/ch04.htmand as hegel says:
<The consciousness of Freedom first arose among the Greeks, and therefore they were free; but they, and the Romans likewise, knew only that some are free, — not man as such.https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/hegel/works/hi/history3.htmfreedom then as the potential of its own self-realisation still comes to be in its particularity. there is freedom, but not freedom for all, yet all men still relate to freedom. for example, even in hegel's example of the despot, the follower finds his own freedom in a higher power. to state therefore that freedom and society never existed before capitalism is ridiculous and theoretically backward. its more empty pith - speaking of which, we may read his conclusive remarks:
>That Smith’s thought is inadequate to modern capitalism is, so to speak, our problem, not his. And, at this point, the same might be true of Smith’s profoundest reader, Karl Marx.again, leonard wants to emphasise that smith has an irreducible incompletion in his work despite no criticism ever offered. it appears as a lazy signal to people that smith "is not enough". yet marx is? after pages of vain circumlocutions, he offers this jab. unimpressive. there are also petty comments like this:
>Yet capital on Smith’s conception is not yet ‘capital’, just as labour in Smith, however drudgerous, is not alienated.https://weeklyworker.co.uk/worker/895/adam-smiths-profoundest-reader/which is objectively false, if we may read smith:
<In the progress of the division of labour, the employment of the far greater part of those who live by labour, that is, of the great body of the people, comes to be confined to a few very simple operations, frequently to one or two. But the understandings of the greater part of men are necessarily formed by their ordinary employments. The man whose whole life is spent in performing a few simple operations, of which the effects are perhaps always the same, or very nearly the same, has no occasion to exert his understanding or to exercise his invention in finding out expedients for removing difficulties which never occur. He naturally loses, therefore, the habit of such exertion, and generally becomes as stupid and ignorant as it is possible for a human creature to become. The torpor of his mind renders him not only incapable of relishing or bearing a part in any rational conversation, but of conceiving any generous, noble, or tender sentiment, and consequently of forming any just judgment concerning many even of the ordinary duties of private life. Of the great and extensive interests of his country he is altogether incapable of judging, and unless very particular pains have been taken to render him otherwise, he is equally incapable of defending his country in war. The uniformity of his stationary life naturally corrupts the courage of his mind, and makes him regard with abhorrence the irregular, uncertain, and adventurous life of a soldier. It corrupts even the activity of his body, and renders him incapable of exerting his strength with vigour and perseverance in any other employment than that to which he has been bred. His dexterity at his own particular trade seems, in this manner, to be acquired at the expence of his intellectual, social, and martial virtues. But in every improved and civilized society this is the state into which the labouring poor, that is, the great body of the people, must necessarily fall, unless government takes some pains to prevent it.https://www.adamsmithworks.org/documents/chapter-i-of-the-expences-of-the-sovereign-or-commonwealthsmith's radical statements here clearly express the alienation of labour under its specialised condition, which quite literally disconnects him from public life, and even offers government regulation to help intervene into this crisis of social disposssession. so leonard's unnecessary comments only harm his objective attitude, since they appear sporadic and desperate.
>>2488650Thank you for your hard work here
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1847/11/prin-com.htm
> — 5 —>Under what conditions does this sale of the>labor of the proletarians to the bourgeoisie take place?
>Labor is a commodity, like any other, and its price is therefore determined by exactly the same laws that apply to other commodities. In a regime of big industry or of free competition – as we shall see, the two come to the same thing – the price of a commodity is, on the average, always equal to its cost of production. Hence, the price of labor is also equal to the cost of production of labor.Almost like labor-power itself has a socially necessary labor time, which is nothing more than a statistic of cost of production, but smith anon wants to naval gaze about how "value isn't real" like he can't understand this.
>But, the costs of production of labor consist of precisely the quantity of means of subsistence necessary to enable the worker to continue working, and to prevent the working class from dying out. cost of substence = cost of food/water + shelter + reproduction and child raising
>The worker will therefore get no more for his labor than is necessary for this purpose; the price of labor, or the wage, will, in other words, be the lowest, the minimum, required for the maintenance of life.
>However, since business is sometimes better and sometimes worse, it follows that the worker sometimes gets more and sometimes gets less for his commodities. But, again, just as the industrialist, on the average of good times and bad, gets no more and no less for his commodities than what they cost, similarly on the average the worker gets no more and no less than his minimum.
>This economic law of wages operates the more strictly the greater the degree to which big industry has taken possession of all branches of production. I like how much more simply Engels puts it in this passage. There's no room for getting confused like Smith anon does with volume 1 of Capital.
>>2482021>marx's bad grammar is also present here, where he speaks of "use-value" separate from "value" as such. "use-value" should refer to a "value in use", as smith puts it. anyway, i'll leave it there for now.it's because marx was german. smith is easier to read in english because smith wrote in english.
>>2489375the terms "utility" and "use-value" are separated here:
<The utility of a thing makes it a use valuehttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmin german the sentence is:
<Die Nützlichkeit eines Dings macht es zum Gebrauchswerthttps://oll.libertyfund.org/pages/marx-k1-1890#K1here, "Nützlichkeit" (usefulness) is separated from "Gebrauchswert" (use-value); so its marx's choice to employ jargon by invoking "wert" (value) where there may not be.
>>2489199(1/2)
perhaps we can finally settle this petty squabble, since it has haunted my input from the beginning. pay close attention and remain humble toward my argument:
>Labor is a commodityyou can tell this is an early text because "labour" is not yet separated from labour-power:
<Labour is the substance, and the immanent measure of value, but has itself no value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch19.htmlabour is not a commodity to (later) marx:
<"Labour the exclusive standard of value … the creator of all wealth, no commodity.” Thomas Hodgskin, “Popul. Polit. Econ.,” p. 186.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch19.htm>value isnt realvalue (as labour-time) is a social abstraction conditioned by modern production, as (earlier) marx admits:
<The economic concept of value does not occur in antiquity. Value distinguished only juridically from pretium, against fraud etc. The concept of value is entirely peculiar to the most modern economy, since it is the most abstract expression of capital itself and of the production resting on it.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch15.htmthere is a simultaneous argument here however, due to his hegelianism; as we may read earlier in the grundrisse:
<This identity of production and consumption amounts to Spinoza’s thesis: determinatio est negatio […] For example, a garment becomes a real garment only in the act of being worn; a house where no one lives is in fact not a real house; thus the product, unlike a mere natural object, proves itself to be, becomes, a product only through consumption […] A railway on which no trains run, hence which is not used up, not consumed, is a railway only δυνάμει [potentially], and not in reality.marx imagines that things only come to be as they are passing away (becoming), and so the "concept" (begriff) of value (M) is itself only realised as it passes over into surplus-value (capital - M-M'):
<It has become apparent in the course of our presentation that value, which appeared as an abstraction, is possible only as such an abstraction, as soon as money is posited; this circulation of money in turn leads to capital […] In the concept of value, its secret betrayedhttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch15.htmmarx is saying thus that value is only conceptualised in modernity, as he repeats here:
<The brilliancy of Aristotle’s genius is shown by this alone, that he discovered, in the expression of the value of commodities, a relation of equality. The peculiar conditions of the society in which he lived, alone prevented him from discovering what, “in truth,” was at the bottom of this equality.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm"in truth", there was always value to marx (since money to marx is the ultimate value-form):
<The value-form, whose fully developed shape is the money-form, is very elementary and simple. Nevertheless, the human mind has for more than 2,000 years sought in vain to get to the bottom of it all.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/p1.htmbut it couldnt be properly understood, so he employs hegelian retroactivity (Nachträglichkeit) in the process of its "discovery", yet at the moment of its coming-to-be, it has already passed over into surplus-value (M - M'):
money = value (M)
money making money = surplus value (M-M')
marx relates this further to aristotle, as we may read in a cited reference one of my previous posts:
>>2378239<In Ch. 9, Book I of his Politics, Aristotle sets forth the two circuits of circulation C—M—C and M—C—M, which he calls "economics" and "Chrematistics", and their differences. The two forms are contrasted with each other by the Greek tragedians, especially Euripides.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1859/critique-pol-economy/ch02_3.htm>Aristotle opposes Œconomic to Chrematistic.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch04.htmwhat marx appears to either delibrately or accidentally misapprehend is aristotle's theory of value:
<“Exchange,” he says, “cannot take place without equality, and equality not without commensurability.” […] Aristotle therefore, himself, tells us what barred the way to his further analysis; it was the absence of any concept of value. What is that equal something, that common substance, which admits of the value of the beds being expressed by a house? Such a thing, in truth, cannot exist, says Aristotle.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmof course, this is incorrect; aristotle actually speaks upon what allows the commensurability of commodities by a common abstraction… money! and aristotle even explains that what underlies money is demand, and so aristotle has a completely coherent notion of economic value (along with preliminary comments upon divisions of labour, supply and demand and reciprocal exchange):
<It is therefore necessary that all commodities shall be measured by some one standard, as was said before. And this standard is in reality demand, which is what holds everything together, since if men cease to have wants or if their wants alter, exchange will go on no longer, or will be on different lines. But demand has come to be conventionally represented by money; this is why money is called nomisma (customary currency), because it does not exist by nature but by custom(nomos), and can be altered and rendered useless at will […] Money then serves as a measure which makes things commensurable and so reduces them to equality. If there were no exchange there would be no association, and there can be no exchange without equality, and no equality without commensurability. Though therefore it is impossible for things so different to become commensurable in the strict sense, our demand furnishes a sufficiently accurate common measure for practical purposes. There must therefore be some one standard, and this accepted by agreement (which is why it is called nomisma, customary currency); for such a standard makes all things commensurable, since all things can be measured by money. Let A be a house, B ten minae and C a bedstead. Then A=B/2 (supposing the house to be worth, or equal to, five minae), and C (the bedstead) =B/10; it is now clear how many bedsteads are equal to one house, namely five. It is clear that before money existed this is how the rate of exchange was actually stated—five beds for a house—since there is no real difference between that and the price of five beds for a house.https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.01.0054:book=5:chapter=5marx's denial of this elaboration, even with partial quotation is then suspicious and dishonest, especially where marx also states this:
<It is not money that renders commodities commensurable.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmthis appears to be an indirect rebuke against aristotle, which means that marx is familiar with his theory of value, yet omits it from discussion. just to repeat:
<Aristotle therefore, himself, tells us what barred the way to his further analysis; it was the absence of any concept of valuehttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm<there can be no exchange and no association; and it cannot be secured unless the commodities in question be equal in a sense. It is therefore necessary that all commodities shall be measured by some one standard, as was said before. And this standard is in reality demand, which is what holds everything together, since if men cease to have wants or if their wants alter, exchange will go on no longer, or will be on different lines. But demand has come to be conventionally represented by moneyhttps://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.01.0054:book=5:chapter=5marx's comments then:
<the great thinker who was the first to analyse so many forms, whether of thought, society, or Nature, and amongst them also the form of value. I mean Aristotle.In the first place, he clearly enunciates that the money form of commodities is only the further development of the simple form of value […] Aristotle therefore, himself, tells us what barred the way to his further analysis; it was the absence of any concept of value
appear entirely contradictory and inconsistent. aristotle derives a form of value in money which must represent a common factor between commodities… but he cant identify this common substance… except he does! this has beguiled me ever since i read it, but it speaks to marx's historical concept - if it were admitted that the abstraction of value in general existed before modernity, then it would undo his hegelianism and his subjective theory of labour:
<The secret of the expression of value, namely, that all kinds of labour are equal and equivalent, because, and so far as they are human labour in general, cannot be deciphered, until the notion of human equality has already acquired the fixity of a popular prejudicehttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmand so would dissociate the concept of value from the commodity of labour-power in particular. what also appears missing from marx is a consideration of premodern wage labour (spoken of by hesiod - 700 B.C.) which would theoretically produce surplus value and not just a surplus product. i think the vulgarisation of class subjectivity in historical materialism causes people to misapprehend history; as if all men were either slaves or masters. concretely, things are very different. to conclude on this point, exchange-value (price) to aristotle is based on relations of supply and demand from a primary division of labour, the same as smith. marx presumes equilibrium in trade (where marx also fails to establish a difference between market and natural prices, causing theoretical confusion), whilst also dismissing monopolies as possessing "imaginary" values, without elaboration:
<Hence an object may have a price without having value. The price in that case is imaginary, like certain quantities in mathematics.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmof course, a rational explanation is that supply and demand are in effect, producing a market price for a good which nonetheless has no calculable cost, yet marx abandons this for more jargon. this to me is a massive blight on his work, that he speaks of things as if they are pre-established to his audience, and to think that he wrote this work for the working class:
<I applaud your idea of publishing the translation of “Das Kapital” as a serial. In this form the book will be more accessible to the working class, a consideration which to me outweighs everything else.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/p2.htmi find his style irresponsible in this basic sense.
what we have established then is as marx says:
<It has become apparent in the course of our presentation that value, which appeared as an abstraction, is possible only as such an abstraction, as soon as money is positedhttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch15.htmyet he lies to us to affirm his false conclusion:
<The economic concept of value does not occur in antiquityhttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch15.htm<Aristotle therefore, himself, tells us what barred the way to his further analysis; it was the absence of any concept of valuehttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmof course, as we see, aristotle DID have a theory of value, but it just wasnt a labour theory of value, but a demand theory of value. aristotle did in fact establish a paradox of value (between use and exchange) however:
<Further, what is rare is a greater good than what is plentiful. Thus, gold is a better thing than iron, though less useful: it is harder to get, and therefore better worth getting. Reversely, it may be argued that the plentiful is a better thing than the rare, because we can make more use of it. For what is often useful surpasses what is seldom useful, whence the saying: "The best of things is water."http://classics.mit.edu/Aristotle/rhetoric.1.i.htmlantoine montchretien also uses the example of gold and steel, while smith uses the example of water and diamonds (ricardo using water and gold). what is useful to aristotle therefore is not as valuable (expensive), and aristotle also implies that its cost comes from the labour of its manufacture, but at the same time, presupposes its value beforehand. so aristotle is close to a LTV but falls short - this is his own error, which is nonetheless tinged with truth. the purpose of bringing this up is to show that aristotle was not ignorant of costs of production as contributing to price, but he still qualified value by demand, which marx also does in the same sense:
<Lastly nothing can have value, without being an object of utility. If the thing is useless, so is the labour contained in it; the labour does not count as labour, and therefore creates no value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmwhich mirrors ricardo's comments:
<Utility then is not the measure of exchangeable value, although it is absolutely essential to it. If a commodity were in no way useful, - in other words, if it could in no way contribute to our gratification, - it would be destitute of exchangeable value, however scarce it might be, or whatever quantity of labour might be necessary to procure it.https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/economics/ricardo/tax/ch01.htmaccording to the LTV then (smith, ricardo, marx) it is NOT incorrect to state that effective demand is a prerequisite for the exchange of commodities and so the realisation of their value. this continues into keynes, who saw that the reversal of say's law into keynes' law ("demand creates its own supply") works just as well. so then, theories of value predated capitalism, but a *labour* theory of value did not (as far as i am aware). what is unspecified in marx then is the *condition* of value as it historically occurs, where marx instead employs retroactivity to refine exchange as an axiom of equal labour-times:
<Since the magnitude of the value of a commodity represents only the quantity of labour embodied in it, it follows that all commodities, when taken in certain proportions, must be equal in value […] The mode of production in which the product takes the form of a commodity [.] makes its appearance at an early date in historyhttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmto me, this metaphysicalises labour in the precise sense of a "first principle" of commodity exchange. marx theorises this to such an extent that in his hypothetical example with aristotle, he presumes an unconscious "truth" to exchangs unbeknownst to its members. the difference with smith is that he presumes the consciousness of labour-times as the means of its equal calculation. its men who trade, not commodities which trade themselves, as in marx's case. to me, this empirical realism allows for contingency and process in production and exchange rather than marx's rationalism. further discourse can be done on this epistemological break, but i'll leave it there for now.
>>2489199>>2489516(2/2)
to conclude, "value" to marx is transhistorical:
<But the exchange of commodities dates from a time before all written history — which in Egypt goes back to at least 2500 B.C., and perhaps 5000 B.C., and in Babylon to 4000 B.C., perhaps to 6000 B.C.; thus, the law of value has prevailed during a period of from five to seven thousand years.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/supp.htmand is overturned by capitalism:
<In a word: the Marxian law of value holds generally, as far as economic laws are valid at all, for the whole period of simple commodity production — that is, up to the time when the latter suffers a modification through the appearance of the capitalist form of production. https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/supp.htmwithin this framework to marx, the abstraction of value only becomes present, precisely as it is fading away:
<The celebrated Franklin, one of the first economists, after Wm. Petty, who saw through the nature of value…https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm<Once for all I may here state, that by classical Political Economy, I understand that economy which, since the time of W. Petty, has investigated the real relations of production…https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm<William Petty, the father of Political Economy… https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch10.htmpetty began his political economy in 1662, yet marx also perceives worthy economic literature before him (1651):
<One of the oldest economists and most original philosophers of England — Thomas Hobbes — has already, in his Leviathan, instinctively hit upon this point overlooked by all his successors. He says: “the value or worth of a man is, as in all other things, his price: that is so much as would be given for the use of his power.” Proceeding from this basis, we shall be able to determine the value of labour as that of all other commodities. https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1865/value-price-profit/ch02.htm#c7here then to marx, the theory of value is only conceived of in the 17th century A.D., yet has been active since at least the 3rd century B.C. and at most, from the 7th milennium B.C.
<The value-form, whose fully developed shape is the money-form, is very elementary and simple. Nevertheless, the human mind has for more than 2,000 years sought in vain to get to the bottom of it all.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/p1.htmthe issue to me is his retroactivity. it makes perfect sense why labour-time would operate as the standard of value in the 17th century… because wage labour had become generalised, but to assume that it was present before this historical stage is to needlessly project into the past and to simultaneously metaphysicalise labour. this would be valid in a newtonian framework, but marx considers the social abstraction of value and even of labour as an alienated contrivance of social production:
<Within the co-operative society based on common ownership of the means of production, the producers do not exchange their products; just as little does the labor employed on the products appear here as the value of these products, as a material quality possessed by them, since now, in contrast to capitalist society, individual labor no longer exists in an indirect fashion but directly as a component part of total laborhttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/ch01.htma product of society here loses its material quality as a value (and thus as abstract labour). engels similarly distinguishes between labour and work:
<[The English language has the advantage of possessing different words for the two aspects of labour here considered. The labour which creates use value, and counts qualitatively, is Work, as distinguished from Labour, that which creates Value and counts quantitatively, is Labour as distinguished from Work - Engels]https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmmarx makes theoretical separation here:
<The use values, coat, linen, &c., i.e., the bodies of commodities, are combinations of two elements – matter and labour. If we take away the useful labour expended upon them, a material substratum is always left, which is furnished by Nature without the help of man. The latter can work only as Nature does, that is by changing the form of matter. Nay more, in this work of changing the form he is constantly helped by natural forces. We see, then, that labour is not the only source of material wealth, of use values produced by labour. As William Petty puts it, labour is its father and the earth its mother.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm<Labour is, in the first place, a process in which both man and Nature participate, and in which man of his own accord starts, regulates, and controls the material re-actions between himself and Nature.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch07.htmNature then "works" while man "labours" by his alienation from nature, creating commodities as a form of social intercourse. marx is not a mere physicalist therefore, since he does not equate labour and work, but nonetheless sees their necessary relation. the distance between work and labour is the abstraction of value; to marx, this abstraction is inherent in commodity exchange:
>But the exchange of commodities is evidently an act characterised by a total abstraction from use value. Then one use value is just as good as another, provided only it be present in sufficient quantity.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmbut what conditions labour as producing commodities? reciprocity in exchange. and what is this medium? money. marx sees that value produces money:
>Value, therefore, does not stalk about with a label describing what it is. It is value, rather, that converts every product into a social hieroglyphic. Later on, we try to decipher the hieroglyphic, to get behind the secret of our own social products; for to stamp an object of utility as a value, is just as much a social product as language.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmrather than money producing value, hence marx's critical comments on fiat currency:
<The fact that money can, in certain functions, be replaced by mere symbols of itself, gave rise to that other mistaken notion, that it is itself a mere symbol.<Lawyers started long before economists the idea that money is a mere symbol, and that the value of the precious metals is purely imaginary. This they did in the sycophantic service of the crowned heads, supporting the right of the latter to debase the coinage, during the whole of the middle ages, by the traditions of the Roman Empire and the conceptions of money to be found in the Pandects.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch02.htm<It is not money that renders commodities commensurable. Just the contrary.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmof course, history has proven marx wrong and aristotle right. it is money which creates the commensurability of commodities by measuring them according to a common standard. value to me is an abstraction mediated by money. to marx, money is an abstraction which mediates value. i hope you understand the dispute better now.
cont. from:
>>2488650spencer leonard (a contributor, along with "the last marxist" chris cutrone and podcaster douglas lain to "platypus", a trotskyist organisation) appears still have the same perspective a decade later (vidrel), that socialism is not the overcoming of bourgeois society, but its completion. capitalism is the crisis of a prefabulated "bourgeois society" and "real" socialism is its affirmation (i.e. only socialism can realise the individual, or the values of egalite, liberte and fraternite). marx can be inferred in this respect:
>You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property. But in your existing society, private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch02.htmmarx's solution is to negate the negation:
<But capitalist production begets, with the inexorability of a law of Nature, its own negation. It is the negation of negation. This does not re-establish private property for the producer, but gives him individual property based on the acquisition of the capitalist era: i.e., on cooperation and the possession in common of the land and of the means of production.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch32.htmhis strategy appears entirely capitalist (monopolist) rather than "bourgeois" (liberal) however:
>The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has agglomerated population, centralised the means of production, and has concentrated property in a few hands.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch01.htm<The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of production in the hands of the State, i.e., of the proletariat organised as the ruling class; and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch02.htmit appears without exaggeration then to call marx's communism "state capitalism":
<the social working day consists of the sum of the individual hours of work; the individual labor time of the individual producer is the part of the social working day contributed by him, his share in it. He receives a certificate from society that he has furnished such-and-such an amount of labor (after deducting his labor for the common funds); and with this certificate, he draws from the social stock of means of consumption as much as the same amount of labor cost. The same amount of labor which he has given to society in one form, he receives back in another.Here, obviously, the same principle prevails as that which regulates the exchange of commodities, as far as this is exchange of equal values.
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/ch01.htmmarx affirms "bourgeois right" in this manner:
>Hence, equal right here is still in principle – bourgeois righthttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/ch01.htmyet he seeks its overcoming:
<only then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois right be crossed in its entirety and society inscribe on its banners: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/ch01.htmso i dont buy the spiel that marxists are the real liberals, as i had previously affirmed by my rebuke of spencer leonard's articles.
2:40-3:05
red pen entirely mischaracterises smith, proving without doubt that he has never read him. the implication that smith imagined that a commodity's value in exchange (price) is derived from its utility is precisely smith's opposite inference, as he makes clear by his "paradox of value". his theory of value begins by seeing how prices do not align with usefulness, hence diamonds being much more expensive than water.
8:45-9:50 / 13:35-14:25
red pen again shows his bold and blithering ignorance where he imagines that marx was the first person to theorise exchange-values as quantities of labour-time, when of course, smith does this immediately in his work, and ricardo further qualifies labour as necessity. it wouldnt be so offensive if he didnt try to accuse smith of not understanding what marx apparently uncovers. why try to insult the great adam smith for no reason?
9:55-10:25
now we see the conspiracy theory, peddled by people like michael hudson or richard wolff, that marginal utility theory was invented to simply obscure previous thinkers in promoting the ascendency of the ruling class. of course, if these people had actual arguments, then they wouldnt depend on such a poverty of paranoid intellect.
>>2489516yes velocity and acceleration are both changes in position
>>2489516>>2489518>it makes perfect sense why labour-time would operate as the standard of value in the 17th century… because wage labour had become generalised
>what also appears missing from marx is a consideration of premodern wage labour
>marx is saying thus that value is only conceptualised in modernity
>it is money which creates the commensurability of commodities by measuring them according to a common standard.
>to conclude on this point, exchange-value (price) to aristotle is based on relations of supply and demand from a primary division of labour, the same as smith. marx presumes equilibrium in trade (where marx also fails to establish a difference between market and natural prices, causing theoretical confusion), whilst also dismissing monopolies as possessing "imaginary" values, without elaborationwouldn't it make perfect sense to say that while value was certainly present it wasn't objectively measurable before wage labor and commodity production was generalized? i dont see how you think he is dismissing monopolies without elaboration. monopolies distort value for the same reason that objective value isn't measurable under feudal systems with serfdom and rent. and of course marx does not presume equilibrium in individual trades, but as you say, equilibrium in trade, in the system of generalized for profit commodity production as a whole. marx doesn't distinguish natural prices but he does use the more precise term prices of production, which, differing from smith, excludes rent to isolate the variable of labor time in his calculation. which is the exact same reason he 'dismisses' monopolies and says value is only conceptualized in modernity, where capitalism in its initial stages overcomes the limitations of rent, before returning to them, as its mode of production is still based in private ownership which simply recreates the barriers to freedom that liberalism initially sought to overcome. where as smith starts with price and works backwards to his conclusion, inadvertently(or perhaps on purpose?) naturalizing rent. its a similar fallacy to that of georgism or the jefforsonian democracy that imagines infinite unsettled land, so that we may all one day become our own bourgeoisie. in reality it doesn't work out that way, history has proven aristotle wrong and marx correct.
>>2490812>wouldn't it make perfect sense to say that while value was certainly present it wasn't objectively measurable before wage labor and commodity production was generalized?yes, that would make complete sense if "value" was a physical force or substance like gravity, but marx himself dispells this notion by seeing value as an abstract medium between commodities. it only exists in this social act to marx, not in nature as such. it is true by reason alone however to see the manner by which commodities relate by a shared substance; aristotle does this though, so the concept of economic value in itself is not modern, only the LTV. so i see value as a necessary fact of commodity exchange, but theories of value as historically contingent.
>monopolies distort value if you mean they add to the cost of production, then yes, but if you mean that they request a price over their value, then this is explained by its monopoly status in limiting supply. marx's mistake is not using this simple arithmetic.
>value isn't measurable under feudal systems with serfdom and rent. rent is a form of surplus value.
>marx doesn't distinguish natural prices but he does use the more precise term prices of productionnot in volume 1 or 2 of capital
>differing from smith, excludes rentthis isnt true.
>capitalism in its initial stages overcomes the limitations of renti disagree. and i think this passage from marx shows how in the capitalist form of wage labour, rent and interest is already employed in its logic:
>In all cases, therefore, the use-value of the labour-power is advanced to the capitalist: the labourer allows the buyer to consume it before he receives payment of the price; he everywhere gives credit to the capitalist. That this credit is no mere fiction, is shown not only by the occasional loss of wages on the bankruptcy of the capitalist, but also by a series of more enduring consequences.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch06.htmlabour is not "bought" (as in slavery), it is borrowed, and this time-frame builds unpaid interest on credit, which accumulates as profit. marx's movement from commodity-money into credit-money also displays the primacy of its historicity. the very form of money-capital (M-M') presupposes the content of interest added from an initial investment. its for this reason that marx associates capital with what aristotle called "chrematistics" or usury:
<In Ch. 9, Book I of his Politics, Aristotle sets forth the two circuits of circulation C—M—C and M—C—M, which he calls "economics" and "Chrematistics", and their differences. The two forms are contrasted with each other by the Greek tragedians, especially Euripides.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1859/critique-pol-economy/ch02_3.htmmarx similarly sees capital's prehistory in usury:
>Interest-bearing capital, or, as we may call it in its antiquated form, usurer's capital, belongs together with its twin brother, merchant's capital, to the antediluvian forms of capital, which long precede the capitalist mode of production and are to be found in the most diverse economic formations of society.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/ch36.htmits no coincidence then that capitalism inevitably brings about a concurrent system of banking with it, which obviously develops toward what lenin saw as capitalist imperialism.
>where as smith starts with price and works backwards to his conclusionwhat do you mean by this?
>naturalizing renthe simply sees rents as naturally correlative with wealth, since higher rents occur on more valuable land. rents are higher in cities than in small towns. it could never be opposite.
>history has proven aristotle wrong and marx correct.i dont think so.
>>2490837>if you mean that they request a price over their value, then this is explained by its monopoly status in limiting supplyof course, but that is why it is a labor theory of value, and not a labor theory of price.
>>2490858to smith, the natural price is still a price. its not a factor which exists outside of the market, but is in fact the teleology of the market. even rothbard agrees. the point is that separating "value" from price makes value an indeceipherable entity. marx speaks on the primitive notion of value without price (money-form):
>Aristotle does indeed realise that the exchange-value of commodities is antecedent to the prices of commoditieshttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1859/critique-pol-economy/ch02_1.htm<We perceive, at first sight, the deficiencies of the elementary form of value: it is a mere germ, which must undergo a series of metamorphoses before it can ripen into the price form.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmso there is a difference to marx between exchange-value strictly and its historical form in money. marx even supplants value for price here:
>The elementary expression of the relative value of a single commodity, such as linen, in terms of the commodity, such as gold, that plays the part of money, is the price form of that commodity.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmso in theory, at the stage of money as medium of value, exchange-value is expressed in price. marx's separation only comes in explaining equilibrium:
>The price of labour, at the moment when demand and supply are in equilibrium, is its natural price, determined independently of the relation of demand and supply. And how this price is determined is just the question.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch19.htmand he does the same thing regarding his "transformation problem", where he's seeing how costs of production themselves are derived from labour values. i simply dont believe in "labour values" outside of their price - we may then be dialectical by seeing essence in appearance; what relation do prices denote in themselves? prices are only relative to other prices, as marx exposits the value form. we cannot derive their constitutive values except by reference to another price, namely, wages. i count wages as a price of production however, not a labour value independent of its form of appearance. this is what got me accused of being a one-sided empiricist a long time ago.
if by "theory of price" you mean "market prices", well what is problematic is that even a "natural price" is still a market price, as smith says:
>The actual price at which any commodity is commonly sold is called its market price. It may either be above, or below, or exactly the same with its natural price.https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/smith-adam/works/wealth-of-nations/book01/ch07.htmwhether goods are in equilibrium or disequilibrium, they are still sold on a market at that rate. so i simply dont believe its good or consistent methodology to perceive a separation, lest we assume value is concretely substantive or metaphysically derived. it would also help marxists to use the vocabulary of the market to make sense to more people - this is marx's original issue as i have already stated.
analysing marx's contradiction of the price-form:
>The price-form, however, is not only compatible with the possibility of a quantitative incongruity between magnitude of value and price, i.e., between the former and its expression in money, but it may also conceal a qualitative inconsistency, so much so, that, although money is nothing but the value-form of commodities, price ceases altogether to express value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmso marx sees an immanent contradiction in the expression of value as price. of course, the absurdity of this consideration is given here:
<although money is nothing but the value-form of commodities, price ceases altogether to express value.this seems like a flaw in marx's own thinking, for if we consider the form of value as the necessary form of appearance of value (as will be deduced):
>exchange value, generally, is only the mode of expression, the phenomenal form, of something contained in it, yet distinguishable from it.<the value of commodities has a purely social reality […] value can only manifest itself in the social relation of commodity to commodity […] value assumes an independent form – viz., the form of exchange value. It never assumes this form when isolated, but only when placed in a value or exchange relation with another commodity of a different kind […] the form or expression of the value of a commodity […] exchange valuehttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmvalue is not this mere appearance to marx however:
>exchange value, generally, is only the mode of expression, the phenomenal form, of something contained in it, yet distinguishable from it […] Each [commodity], so far as it is exchange value, must therefore be reducible to this third […] there is nothing left but what is common to them all; all are reduced to one and the same sort of labour, human labour in the abstract […] When looked at as crystals of this social substance, common to them all, they are – Values.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmmarx even perceives precedence in this regard; although exchange value is the only mode of expressing value, value in itself gives realisation to exchange value:
>Our analysis has shown, that the form or expression of the value of a commodity originates in the nature of value, and not that value and its magnitude originate in the mode of their expression as exchange value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmso this is a clear matter of essence and appearance; there can be no appearance without essence, so what underlies the illusions of prices without values? it is a clear contradiction which marx himself cannot resolve. we may then see his conclusion upon the proposition:
>Objects that in themselves are no commodities, such as conscience, honour, &c., are capable of being offered for sale by their holders, and of thus acquiring, through their price, the form of commodities.here, he remains consistent, that an object *becomes* a commodity by being offered for sale (and thus gaining a form of value by equivalent relation to money)…
<Hence an object may have a price without having value.here is where he becomes inconsistent, for to be a commodity is to possess value in exchange for money - unless we consider value as a separate substance than what is expressed in exchange, which according to marx's formula is impossible. to be fair to this point however, what determines the value of an item in this case? smith remarks upon unproductive labour here:
>The labour of the [unproductive], however, has its value, and deserves its reward as well as that of the formerhttps://www.adamsmithworks.org/documents/chapter-iii-of-the-accumulation-of-capital-or-of-productive-and-unproductive-labourhere, smith speaks of unproductive labour's "value" despite these prior comments:
<There is one sort of labour which adds to the value of the subject upon which it is bestowed: there is another which has no such effect. The former, as it produces a value, may be called productive; the latter, unproductive labour.https://www.adamsmithworks.org/documents/chapter-iii-of-the-accumulation-of-capital-or-of-productive-and-unproductive-labourin this, "value" is still understood in its twofold sense; in use and exchange. productive labour produces values in exchange while unproductive workers may produce only values in use, thus as smith puts it:
>The labour of some of the most respectable orders in the society is, like that of menial servants, unproductive of any value, and does not fix or realize itself in any permanent subject; or vendible commodity, which endures after that labour is past, and for which an equal quantity of labour could afterwards be procured.https://www.adamsmithworks.org/documents/chapter-iii-of-the-accumulation-of-capital-or-of-productive-and-unproductive-labourmarx adds to this here (1863):
<The great mass of so-called “higher grade” workers—such as state officials, military people, artists, doctors, priests, judges, lawyers, etc.—some of whom are not only not productive but in essence destructive, but who know how to appropriate to themselves a very great part of the “material” wealth partly through the sale of their “immaterial” commodities and partly by forcibly imposing the latter on other people—found it not at all pleasant to be relegated economically to the same class as clowns and menial servants and to appear merely as people partaking in the consumption, parasites on the actual producers (or rather agents of production). https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1863/theories-surplus-value/ch04.htmhere, marx speaks of "immaterial" commodities being exchanged for material wealth, and so we approach the topic more critically. lets read smith's words again:
<The labour […] unproductive of any value […] and for which an equal quantity of labour could [not] afterwards be procured.https://www.adamsmithworks.org/documents/chapter-iii-of-the-accumulation-of-capital-or-of-productive-and-unproductive-labourthere is thus a value, but no equivalent value. this perhaps makes things clearer. unproductive labour has a use-value but not an equivalent in exchange-value. we may now continue from marx's comments:
>Hence an object may have a price without having value. The price in that case is imaginary, like certain quantities in mathematics.what marx's earlier comments would have been is that an immaterial commodity has been sold for material wealth. a use-value is traded for an exchange-value.
what is to be considered then, is that without an equivalent cost of production, whence is the price of an immaterial commodity to be derived? principally, from the same realm as all prices, the market, which abides by the relations of supply and demand. here, the contradiction resolves itself, since prices in themselves have no conditions besides regulating what is sold, while marx's dialectic between value and exchange-value (essence and appearance) necessitates a value to precede price for it to be so related as exchange-value. when he runs into this issue therefore, he uncritically renders this central problem as "imaginary", despite having previous proofs of its reality in the economy. he does offer one pithy resolution however:
<On the other hand, the imaginary price-form may sometimes conceal either a direct or indirect real value-relation; for instance, the price of uncultivated land, which is without value, because no human labour has been incorporated in it.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmhere he clings to speculation, that the immaterial commodity may be concealing a material relation. to consider this problem in general we may also consult monopoly rents upon a product, which receive a price beyond its costs (take rents for residential properties as an example - ground rents differ in the fact that they request a price for cultivation; a labour of upkeep. we can consider homes as consumable commodities and rent covers the costs accrued from its use. this would theoretically mean a limited rent fund through a fixed contract. we see this adequately applied by mortgage payments, but rents themselves appear thusly as "immaterial" commodities put under subject of supply and demand, so it is simply an extractive force, like any unproductive labour. the question thus only concerns the relative use-value of the landlord - in a free market of course, homes could be made cheaper, but surplus extraction denies this possibility; it is a monopoly).
to conclude thus is to see that smith's notion of a two-fold value between use and exchange refines the concept better than considering "value" as singular (such as rothbard does when he attacks smith). when we separate the concept, we are able to see the integral role which unproductive labour plays in the economy, not as a form of mere extraction, but as a necessary medium between productive labours. when we do this we are also able to see the way in which a use-value is able to be traded for an exchange-value and so not all commodities confer an equivalent price for their use. this "incongruity" marx assesses, but cannot fully annunciate, because it would mean desubstantialising labour as the only source of value. marx sees that a use-value may exist without labour:
>A thing can be a use value, without having value. This is the case whenever its utility to man is not due to labour.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmof course, as i have previously stated, use-value should be properly understood as "value in use". so then, what is "imaginary" in value to marx is simply that which is non-equivalent, which according to the price-form of exchange-value should be impossible. it isnt, which means that not all exchange is an exchange of equivalents:
<By making the coat the equivalent of the linen, we equate the labour embodied in the former to that in the latter. Now, it is true that the tailoring, which makes the coat, is concrete labour of a different sort from the weaving which makes the linen. But the act of equating it to the weaving, reduces the tailoring to that which is really equal in the two kinds of labour, to their common character of human labour. In this roundabout way, then, the fact is expressed, that weaving also, in so far as it weaves value, has nothing to distinguish it from tailoring, and, consequently, is abstract human labour.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmthis breaks marx's value-formation, therefore. if prices may be made of non-equivalents, then values in themselves may not be equivalent to self-relate.
to simplify:
>marx's (actual) value-form:
A(X) = B(Y)
<marx's (potential) price-form:
A(X) ≠ B(Y)
>value = exchange-value = price (non-contradiction):
exchange-value = exchange-value (real value)
<value = exchange-value ≠ price (contradiction):
exchange-value = use-value (imaginary value)
>real = material commodity = productive:
productive = use-value (+ exchange-value)
<imaginary = immaterial commodity = unproductive:
unproductive = use-value (+ price)
>>2490837>rent is a form of surplus value.Yes, in capitalism, because commodity production is generalized.
>>2490896>whether goods are in equilibrium or disequilibrium, they are still sold on a market at that rate.Yes but price alone can't account for the rate. Saying supply determines price is the same as saying the price is the price. To understand the causation of price you have to isolate the value that contributes to the production that creates supply, which is labor.
>>2490837>this passage from marx shows how in the capitalist form of wage labour, rent and interestThis is for industrial/commercial rent not rent generally. Thats why its included in the prices of production. Housing rent, for example, comes from wages, not surplus value. The generalization of wage labor coincides with this generalized deemphases on rent, which gives us the conditions to recognize surplus value as such. The generalized commodification of labor is what gives us the ability to recognize socially necessary abstract labor time as a universal equivalent with money as its measure.
>>2489516>since money to marx is the ultimate value-formin your quote he says the "money-form" (not money) is the "fully developed shape" of the value-form, not the "ultimate" value-form.
>marx is lying about aristotlewhat does any of this have to do with the post you are replying to, which is about Engels. Or about the idea (regardless of whether Marx or Engels put it forward consistently) that value is a statistic of cost of production?
>>2492058>the "money-form" (not money)whats the difference? money to marx serves as the universal equivalent commodity. commodities are therefore expressed by the money-form of value.
>what does any of this have to do with the post you are replying tomarx says that a theory of value did not exist in antiquity when he was wrong; theories of value existed, they just werent the LTV.
>>2491558fair enough.
rent is still a surplus product however, so can be traced by the relations of production alone, just as the resources for slavery were calculated ahead of time. costs of production have always been recorded, which explains ancient wage-labour, rent and interest.
>>2491607>Yes but price alone can't account for the rateyes it can. the natural price is still a price.
>the price is the pricethere are two prices to consider; the price of production and the market price. they are inherently self-relating.
>>2491638>Housing rent, for example, comes from wages, not surplus valueyes, but the rent relation is still commoditised and this assumes not simply a general form, but a particular form. the issue of course is that it does not exchange for an equivalent value, as engels otherwise suggests:
<Here we have at once the whole Proudhon. Firstly, it is forgotten that the rent must not only pay the interests on the building costs, but must also cover repairs and the average sum of bad debts, unpaid rents, as well as the occasional periods when the house is untenanted, and finally pay off in annual sums the building capital which has been invested in a house which is perishable and which in time becomes uninhabitable and worthless. Secondly, it is forgotten that the rent must also pay interest on the increased value of the land upon which the building is erected and that therefore a part of it consists of ground rent. Our Proudhonist immediately declares, it is true, that this increase of value does not equitably belong to the landowner, since it comes about without his co-operation, but to society as a whole. https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1872/housing-question/ch01.htmin engels' anti-proudhonist enthusiasm, he lets this slip however:
<And finally he overlooks the fact that the whole transaction is not one of buying the house from its owner, but of buying its use for a certain time. https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1872/housing-question/ch01.htmthus, a use-value is traded for an exchange-value, which means an uneven exchange of goods, unless we presume the productive consumption of a property, which in most cases, is obviously a false mode of equivalence. thus, engels makes apology for this economic affair by the law of value presumed in all forms of commodity exchange. more engels:
<In the housing question we have two parties confronting each other: the tenant and the landlord or house owner […] It is simple commodity sale…this implies an equivalence, but as you say, this is still paid for out of revenue rather than capital:
<No matter how much the landlord may overreach the tenant it is still only a transfer of already existing, previously produced value, and the total sum of values possessed by the landlord and the tenant together remains the same after as it was before.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1872/housing-question/ch01.htmto engels, there is a transfer of equal values between parties, when i perceive no such reality. so that would be my critique of the marxian apologia and i am forced to be "proudhonist" in this respect, that a property cannot standardise an equivalent value for labour in its use.
more on imaginary value:
first is william petty (1662):
>the fundamental solution of this Question [of adjusting prices for foreign trade] depends upon a real and not an imaginary way of computing the prices of Commoditieshttps://historyofeconomicthought.mcmaster.ca/petty/taxes.txthere, real and imaginary prices are first posited. next is richard cantillon (1730):
>Money, or the common measure of value, must correspond in fact and reality in terms of land and labor to the articles exchanged for it. otherwise it would only have an imaginary value […] Mr. Locke says that the consent of mankind has given its value to gold and silver […] Man could subsist without any of these things, but it must not be concluded that they have only an imaginary value.<essay on economic theory, part 1, chapter 17https://mises.org/library/book/essay-economic-theorymarx appears to have borrowed much from cantillon in this respect, such as his comments against lockean flippancy and too, of the uneven exchange between articles of labour creating "imaginary value". next is jean-baptiste say (1803):
>By the exclusive restriction of the term wealth to values fixed and realized in material substances, Dr. Smith has narrowed the boundary of this science. He should, also, have included under its values which, although immaterial, are not less real, such as natural or acquired talents. Of two individuals equally destitute of fortune, the one in possession of a particular talent is by no means so poor as the other. Whoever has ac-quired a particular talent at the expense of an annual sacri-fice, enjoys an accumulated capital; a description of wealth, notwithstanding its immateriality, so little imaginary, that, in the shape of professional services, it is daily exchanged for gold and silver.https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/tracy-a-treatise-on-political-economyhere, an "immaterial" relation is invoked as a supplication to what is exchanged for labour in general. a value in use is still sought beyond its calculated cost and therefore attains its own reality in exchange. what then is exchanged for is not labour in general, but a particular labour, concretely ("talent"). a value in use is given for a value in exchange. of course, as it has been cited from smith, this is admitted by the fact of value's twofold nature, and nonetheless, if money as measure of value accounts for labour-time, then labour is still given for labour, but only unevenly, and for different kinds (universal versus particular labour). this argument serves what ayn rand perceives in the order of individual talents, such as intellect - indeed, it requests a suitable price above that of "simple labour", whereby as a unique quality, it also attains a unique quantity in relation to the rest. one idea which serves as a means to rectify this contradiction is to perceive individual or particular talent as gradients of "skilled labour" and thus as cumulative of a basic unit of simple or unskilled labour (this is marx's general argument as to why some workers are paid more than others). practically, a "specialist" trains to be so, and in higher education, receives his qualifications by the means of commodity exchange. one labours for what they receive by an equivalent cost in tutoring fees. thus, the upscaling of labour-power has its receipts by this quantitative relation. to subsidise education is to likewise transfer the costs onto the general public, so in taxation is a relation of revenue - but is it a relation of value? as we may see from marx's comments mirroring smith's, those employed by the state are unproductive, and so without an equivalent value in exchange. to marx then, teachers do not transfer value onto students which is thereby conserved (such as the productive consumption of a means of production), and so education only confers usefulness, but not equivalent exchangeability (humanities students know this all too well). what then qualifies as skilled labour? its manner of intensity in the production of commodities, which is aided by means of production. thus, the more productive society will be most wealthy (but in tandem, will also have the highest maintenance costs, such as smith sees in correlating wages to rents/taxes). but as marx puts it, skill belongs to the machine in this case and not to man himself. we must then consider men themselves, who possess different talents. what is particular in production has its particular labour, such as management or superintendance, which as smith says, adds no value to the product, but of which is still necessary and thus establishes a price for itself. what then determines this rate? only what will be accepted for it. the price of a particular talent therefore lacks standardisation and becomes peculiar to market conditions, in the same manner as all prostitution, "the oldest job in the world". if as marx says, universal labour is abstracted by capital itself, then its understood why those who receive value, not from capital, but from revenues, have no such abstraction applied to them. it would be insufficient however to claim that their value is "imaginary". their value is real, as j.b. say declares, but it is only a value in use. say further speaks on imaginary value in money:
>The public authority persuaded itself, that it could raise or depress the value of money at pleasure; and that on every exchange of goods for money, the value of the goods adjusted itself to the imaginary value, which it pleased authority to affix to it, and not to the value naturally attached to the agent of exchange, money, by the conflicting influence of demand and supply."imaginary" here simply replaces "nominal", but is further related to marx, in criticising fiat currency. moving on, we first see marx (1858) describe the difference between the real and imaginary prices:
>It has further been seen that, in circulation, money only realizes prices. The price appears at first as an ideal aspect of the commodity; but the sum of money exchanged for a commodity is its realized price, its real price […] If the commodity cannot be realized in money, it ceases to be capable of circulating, and its price becomes merely imaginaryhttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch03.htmthis is only a basic theoretical point between what is potential and actual in the commodity. next:
>This use value may be purely imaginary, as e.g. with the Egyptian pyramidshere, marx is using the language of nicholas barbon (1696):
>Things that supply the wants of the Mind, have only an Imaginary or Artificial Value, which depends only on opinion, and change their Values according to the Humor and Fancy of the persons that use them; and are like rich Apparel, that lose their Value because they are out of fashion.https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/A30882.0001.001?view=tocof course, an imaginary use-value in this case does not mean that it is illegitimate (i.e. not real - for how may one delegitimise what is subjective to another?) it is only that it serves a purpose beyond what may be really produced (i.e. what is objective in its utility). in marx's later work (1859) he repeats the notion of money possessing imaginary (potential) and real (actual) prices:
>The fact that commodities are only nominally converted in the form of prices into gold and hence gold is only nominally transformed into money led to the doctrine of the nominal standard of money. Because only imaginary gold or silver, i.e., gold and silver merely as money of account, is used in the determination of prices, it was asserted that the terms pound, shilling, pence, thaler, franc, etc., denote ideal particles of value but not weights of gold or silver or any form of materialised labour.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1859/critique-pol-economy/ch02b.htmof course in this particular context, marx has been proven wrong; money in its "imaginary" form (as unit of account) suffices for the functions of a standard of value without concrete measure in metal. he repeats his notion of money's value throughout the rest of his work. of course, after this we return to where we began our investigation (1867):
>[imaginary] price ceases altogether to express value. Objects that in themselves are no commodities, such as conscience, honour, &c., are capable of being offered for sale by their holders, and of thus acquiring, through their price, the form of commodities. Hence an object may have a price without having value. The price in that case is imaginary, like certain quantities in mathematics.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmthis he sees as a consequence of money's "imaginary" properties, but of course, the imaginary is simply the prelude to its own reality. when a "valueless" commodity attains reality, it must also possess a "real price" according to this process; hence the contradiction.
here is a discussion between andrew kliman and patrick murray on marx's theory of value:
https://youtu.be/OWx6FS7R7mghttps://youtu.be/PL2WUskGfYcthe contention appears to be where value is constituted, between production and exchange (with kliman seeing value as a condition of production and murray emphasising exchange, although speaking of value's co-constitution by each). murray begins by seeing value as a syllogism between its substance, magnitude and form (what in hegelian terms is quality, quantity and measure constituting the triad of "being"). the devil is in the details however, since the ultimate form of value is its standard measure with money. before money, the value form is either (A) elementary, (B) relative or (C) general; or the individual, particular and universal. the money-form (D) is said to be the same as (C) except that a single commodity comes to monopolise exchange, and from this, establishes the price-form. immanent to prices however are both their imaginary (potential) and real (actual) modes, where accounting causes prices to be measured in advance of their sale. concretely, these would be the money-names of products, which are presented as the values of commodities for sale, but of themselves, do not directly express value. for this sake, there is a distinction between what is nominal and real in exchange. a real exchange of commodities, marx signifies as "transsubstantiation" of a price into a value, or the manner by which a commodity realises itself in the direct act of exchange for the money-commodity. money then, as standard of value, is the measure of value where it concerns its manner of accounting. this "symbolic" mediation brings illusion, marx warns, since it confuses the nominal for the real. in all cases, marx affirms, money is a real value (i.e. gold) which trades in equivalence with others, by medium of nominal value. the transsubstantiation of imaginary prices into real prices thus occurs by the requitement of a money-name to its object; a signifier to what is signified. to conclude thus far, we may see that indeed value is a syllogism, but it is only completed by money, which is the measure of values. without measure, quality and quantity cannot self-relate as attributes of commodities except by particularity, hence the earliest value forms not being able to encompass the world of commodities into their abstraction. only once the money-form appears does value proper appear, since it completes the hegelian triad: quality (substance), quantity (magnitude) and measure (money). money itself must also relate between its potential and actual modalities to come into relation with commodities as values. but lets continue…
the semantic disagreement begins where kliman poses the nature of commodities as twofold in their possible designations; either as objects which "potentially have value" (kliman) or that they "have potential value" (murray). kliman relates the discrepancy to ontology and epistemology (being and knowing) regarding value's determination. kliman sees that as a product made for sale, the determination of the magnitude of value (SNLT) is established in the product for it to be so realised in exchange (and consumption). we may say in this sense that kliman regards the product as both a quality and quantity, but only lacking form. murray recoils at this notion by stating that a product is only realised, not just quantitatively, but also qualitatively, as labour, by the manner of exchange. he states that what is produced for sale but never in itself sold lacks any substance of value, and so it lacks determination prior to exchange. for textual citation, he uses this quote:
>Lastly nothing can have value, without being an object of utility. If the thing is useless, so is the labour contained in it; the labour does not count as labour, and therefore creates no value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmhere it is clear to that murray is right; without connection of the entire syllogism by its retroactivity to fulfill its self-realisation, it lacks totality in its concept, and therefore fails to become itself. it is not enough to speak of a lack of value-formation from the rest of the variables, for all variables pertain to their self-relation. one may not exist without the other. there is no quality without quantity and there is neither without measure. murray compares the situaton to schrodinger's cat; the commodity is determined by its measurement, but before this it has no predetermination in its being. the contradiction then arises, how is the magnitude of value to be determined at all if there is no prior determination before exchange. this is kliman's rebuke to which murray poses further retroactivity. murray claims that the value of a commodity which is sold is not simply determined by its supply but also its demand, and that each constitute what is "socially necessary" in production (as opposed to an independent abstraction). murray uses this quote:
>To-day the product satisfies a social want. Tomorrow the article may, either altogether or partially, be superseded by some other appropriate product […] If the community’s want of linen, and such a want has a limit like every other want, should already be saturated by the products of rival weavers, our friend’s product is superfluous, redundant, and consequently useless […] The labour-time that yesterday was without doubt socially necessary to the production of a yard of linen, ceases to be so to-day […] suppose that every piece of linen in the market contains no more labour-time than is socially necessary. In spite of this, all these pieces taken as a whole, may have had superfluous labour-time spent upon them […] The effect is the same as if each individual weaver had expended more labour-time upon his particular product than is socially necessary […] All the linen in the market counts but as one article of commerce, of which each piece is only an aliquot part. And as a matter of fact, the value also of each single yard is but the materialised form of the same definite and socially fixed quantity of homogeneous human labour.what murray is explicating in his theory thus is that what is determinate of the magnitude of value (socially necessary labour time) only becomes "socially necessary" at the moment of exchange. such as marx says, that despite working at a certain rate, the market can diminish the value of your output entirely relative to what is conditioned in production. indeed, he states early on:
<The value of a commodity would therefore remain constant, if the labour time required for its production also remained constant. But the latter changes with every variation in the productiveness of labour. https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmso the value of a product in itself changes in relativity to the value of others. what must be considered then is the relativity of determination, where it regards social effects. murray appears to share the same notion as david harvey on this topic as well:
>Marx uses the concept of socially necessary labor time. What Marx has done here is to replicate the Ricardian conceptual apparatus and, seemingly innocently, insert a modification. But this insertion, as we shall see, makes a world of difference. We are immediately forced to ask: what is socially necessary? How is that established, and by whom? Marx gives no immediate answers, but this question is one theme that runs throughout Capital […] value is socially necessary labor time. But value doesn't mean anything unless it connects back to use value […] But in order for the labor to be socially necessary, somebody somewhere must want, need or desire the commodity, which means that use-values have to be reintegrated into the argument.<david harvey, a companion to marx's capital, chapter 1to murray and harvey then, the conditions of social necessity concern what is actively exchanged for, so for it to not simply be a commodity, but an article of labour.
to conclude thus, kliman uses say's law of markets to derive the classical conception that "supply creates its own demand" while murray and harvey are keynesian by reversing the thesis; "demand creates its own supply". without demand there is not even labour embodied within the supplied good. we may consult marx on this:
>Production, then, is also immediately consumption, consumption is also immediately production. Each is immediately its opposite. But at the same time a mediating movement takes place between the two. Production mediates consumption; it creates the latter’s material; without it, consumption would lack an object. But consumption also mediates production, in that it alone creates for the products the subject for whom they are products […] Consumption accomplishes the act of production only in completing the product as product by dissolving it, by consuming its independently material form, by raising the inclination developed in the first act of production, through the need for repetition, to its finished form; it is thus not only the concluding act in which the product becomes product, but also that in which the producer becomes producer […] This last identity, as determined under (3), [is] frequently cited in economics in the relation of demand and supply, of objects and needs, of socially created and natural needs.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch01.htmtherefore, marx sees the entire field of production and consumption as the dialectical relationship between supply and demand. both determine each other. we may then possibly locate marx as an historical and theoretical intermediary between classical thought and keynesian thought by reference to market operations.
>>2492156>whats the difference?Money is the actual medium of exchange in an economy, while the money-form is a conceptual and historical category that refers to the way money functions to mediate exchanges and the transformation of commodities into money.
It's the difference between the money class and its methods, I suppose, to speak in software development terms.
>>2492448money-form is price:
>The price or money-form of commodities is, like their form of value generally, a form quite distinct from their palpable bodily form; it is, therefore, a purely ideal or mental form. Although invisible, the value of iron, linen and corn has actual existence in these very articles: it is ideally made perceptible by their equality with gold, a relation that, so to say, exists only in their own heads. Their owner must, therefore, lend them his tongue, or hang a ticket on them, before their prices can be communicated to the outside world.we see prices understood as the money-form here:
<The elementary expression of the relative value of a single commodity, such as linen, in terms of the commodity, such as gold, that plays the part of money, is the price form of that commodity […] The simple commodity form is therefore the germ of the money form.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmso money is gold and the money-form is price? or, is gold as the standard of value the money-form of other commodities?
lets read:
>as the universal equivalent form becomes identified with the bodily form of a particular commodity, and thus crystallised into the money-form.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch02.htmto relate this to the first point, we must understand the value form in general:
<They manifest themselves therefore as commodities, or have the form of commodities, only in so far as they have two forms, a physical or natural form, and a value form […] The value of commodities is the very opposite of the coarse materiality of their substance, not an atom of matter enters into its composition […] the value of commodities has a purely social reality […] value can only manifest itself in the social relation of commodity to commodityin the procession of value forms, one commodity takes the place of equivalence and the other, relatively. gold as the money-form of value thus expresses equivalence between all other commodities. this is what (as a commodity) makes it a form of value:
<What appears to happen is, not that gold becomes money, in consequence of all other commodities expressing their values in it, but, on the contrary, that all other commodities universally express their values in gold, because it is money. The intermediate steps of the process vanish in the result and leave no trace behind. Commodities find their own value already completely represented, without any initiative on their part, in another commodity existing in company with them. These objects, gold and silver, just as they come out of the bowels of the earth, are forthwith the direct incarnation of all human labour. Hence the magic of money. https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch02.htmall commodities are self-related by prices in this way. but why gold in particular? as marx says:
<The truth of the proposition that, “although gold and silver are not by Nature money, money is by Nature gold and silver,” is shown by the fitness of the physical properties of these metals for the functions of money.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch02.htmto marx therefore, it is simply the most useful commodity for this function, and so comes to monopolise its place as the standard of value.
so i would say that there is no meaningful difference between money and the money-form since the money-form is simply the use of money to price commodities. further, marx sees that the medium of exchange doesnt need to comport to the qualities of money:
<Paper money is a token representing gold or money. The relation between it and the values of commodities is this, that the latter are ideally expressed in the same quantities of gold that are symbolically represented by the paper. Only in so far as paper money represents gold, which like all other commodities has value, is it a symbol of value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmso the medium of exchange can be a symbol of value, yet to marx, money itself (gold) cannot be symbolic:
<The fact that money can, in certain functions, be replaced by mere symbols of itself, gave rise to that other mistaken notion, that it is itself a mere symbol.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch02.htm 👀 william stanley jevons on the labour theory of value:
at first he opposes the notion that labour is the "cause" of value by reference to ricardo:
>Ricardo has stated, like most other economists, that utility is absolutely essential to value; but that "possessing utility, commodities derive their exchangeable value from two sources: from their scarcity, and from the quantity of labour required to obtain them."<There remains the question of labour as an element of value. Economists have not been wanting who put forward labour as the cause of value, asserting that all objects derive their value from the fact that labour has been expended on them; and it is thus implied, if not stated, that value will be proportional to labour. This is a doctrine which cannot stand for a moment, being directly opposed to facts. Ricardo disposes of such an opinion…https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/jevons-the-theory-of-political-economyas yet, jevons considers labour as a determination of value:
>But though labour is never the cause of value, it is in a large proportion of cases the determining circumstance, and in the following way:—Value depends solely on the final degree of utility. How can we vary this degree of utility?—By having more or less of the commodity to consume. And how shall we get more or less of it?—By spending more or less labour in obtaining a supply. According to this view, then, there are two steps between labour and value. Labour affects supply, and supply affects the degree of utility, which governs value, or the ratio of exchange.in continuity with his prior comments, labour produces the mass of commodity to be consumed and thus determines the rate of social consumption according to the final degree of utility (division of mass) in it. he states the causality of value in this way however:
>(1) Cost of production determines supply.>(2) Supply determines final degree of utility.<(3) Final degree of utility determines value.https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/jevons-the-theory-of-political-economyhere then we spectacularly appear to find an absolute similarity with the LTV (such as jevons already cites ricardo), but his emphasis is only that value is a result of the costs of production, not the cost of production as such (for as he says in this same section, embodied labour had no value if it has no use, even mirroring marx and marxian analysis from patrick murray and david harvey):
>There may, again, be any discrepancy between the quantity of labour spent upon an object and the value ultimately attaching to it. A great undertaking like the Great Western Railway, or the Thames Tunnel, may embody a vast amount of labour, but its value depends entirely upon the number of persons who find it useful.https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/jevons-the-theory-of-political-economythis seems to relate EXACTLY to what marx writes:
>Lastly nothing can have value, without being an object of utility. If the thing is useless, so is the labour contained in it; the labour does not count as labour, and therefore creates no value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm<To-day the product satisfies a social want. Tomorrow the article may, either altogether or partially, be superseded by some other appropriate product […] If the community’s want of linen, and such a want has a limit like every other want, should already be saturated by the products of rival weavers, our friend’s product is superfluous, redundant, and consequently useless […] The labour-time that yesterday was without doubt socially necessary to the production of a yard of linen, ceases to be so to-day […] suppose that every piece of linen in the market contains no more labour-time than is socially necessary. In spite of this, all these pieces taken as a whole, may have had superfluous labour-time spent upon them […] The effect is the same as if each individual weaver had expended more labour-time upon his particular product than is socially necessary […] All the linen in the market counts but as one article of commerce, of which each piece is only an aliquot part. And as a matter of fact, the value also of each single yard is but the materialised form of the same definite and socially fixed quantity of homogeneous human labour.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmjevons' rejection of the LTV however comes at his conclusion where he says that concrete labours cannot be abstracted as quantities of the same kind:
>But it is easy to go too far in considering labour as the regulator of value; it is equally to be remembered that labour is itself of unequal value […] I hold labour to be essentially variable, so that its value must be determined by the value of the produce, not the value of the produce by that of the labour. I hold it to be impossible to compare à priori the productive powers of a navvy, a carpenter, an iron-puddler, a schoolmaster, and a barrister. Accordingly, it will be found that not one of my equations represents a comparison between one man's labour and another's.https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/jevons-the-theory-of-political-economyi have only read thus far and so await to see his theory of wage equalisation in the context of labour's variability. what we may see so far however is jevons' ultimate correspondence to the LTV, despite his disagreements.
to put theory into practice, lowering the working day would mean employing more people. employing more people at a more necessary rate means increasing marginal product per worker. since labour cannot effectuate its decline in utility besides intensity, it gains surplus utility generally, which means that it contracts a wage without the excess of pain, or exploitation.
marx theorises the exact same thing and so does smith, owen and keynes. smith for example states that without profits and rents, commodities would be cheaper due to possessing less variables in their composition. profits and rents are counted as surplus labour, so without this, we would naturally work less. keynes also states that in the future, people will work to an absolutely diminished degree due to programs of full employment. jevons pushes the same conclusions, that wages are satisfied by a lesser exertion matching a higher marginal utility.
this seems to be a central economic question then; how long should the working day be, and why are we unable to change the current state of affairs?
>>2490837>historically contingentis that why you spent months arguing the opposite lmao
value = SNLT
>>2495900>lowering the working day would mean employing more peoplebut we have already seen that the bourgeoisie don't want full employment because that makes it hard to hire desperate scabs from the reserve army of labor when the workers start to organize for better wages. Having a certain amount of suffering unemployed people who are on the brink of ruin helps the bourgeoisie overcome in labor struggles.
>>2495900>how long should the working day be, and why are we unable to change the current state of affairs?Wrong. The working day must be as long as needed to ensure maximum high quality development of Communist society to meet ever-growing needs of workers. Communism has already changed the working day to what it should be. Read Commumist China labor law
https://english.mofcom.gov.cn/Policies/GeneralPolicies/art/2007/art_50931311cbf44ca1af6fd192aec75726.html<Article 36 The State shall practise a working hour system wherein labourers shall work for no more than eight hours a day and no more than 44 hours a week on the average.<Article 41 The employer can prolong work hours due to needs of production or businesses after consultation with its trade union and labourers. The work hours to be prolonged, in general, shall be no longer than one hour a day, or no more than three hours a day if such prolonging is called for due to special reasons and under the condition that the physical health of labourers is guaranteed. The work time to be prolonged shall not exceed, however, 36 hours a month. <Article 42 The prolonging of work hours shall not be subject to restrictions of stipulations of Article 41 of this Law in any one of the following cases: (1) Need for emergency treatment during occurrence of natural disasters, accidents or other reasons that threaten the life, health or property safety of labourers; (2) Need for timely rush-repair of production equipment, transportation lines or public facilities that have gone out of order and as a result affect production and public interests; (3) Other cases stipulated in laws and administrative decrees. >>2496494the real contradiction is as jevons puts it; with surplus labour, the total product may remain constant, but its marginal utility (price) declines, so hiring more people would mean having the same or more total productivity, but higher marginal productivity per worker (and thus higher wages). unemployment can largely be seen to be caused by extending the working day beyond what is necessary, which is why marx also perceived the struggle of capitalists against labour laws despite them intensifying labour to the same degree. so capitalists are not interested in total productivity, but marginal productivity. this is why in marxian terms, constant capital de-values commodities despite total productivity being increased. i graphic terms, we can see fig. iii (picrel) as the bar graph of declining marginal utility, yet if we added up each bar and presented the aggregate total value, it would be a constant quantity. similarly, if we stopped working halfway through the graph, the marginal product would be higher than if we worked all the way through, so we would be more productive individually at the same rate of total productivity remaining constant. its no loss to the worker, but only to the capitalist.
a barrier to full employment thus is surplus labour taking the place of what could be the necessary labour of someone else. the gain for the capitalist is a loss for the worker and vice versa.
>>2496510any particular examples?
>>2496508🤷🏻♂️ marx thinks we need to shorten the working day:
>Freedom in this field can only consist in socialised man, the associated producers, rationally regulating their interchange with Nature, bringing it under their common control, instead of being ruled by it as by the blind forces of Nature; and achieving this with the least expenditure of energy and under conditions most favourable to, and worthy of, their human nature. But it nonetheless still remains a realm of necessity. Beyond it begins that development of human energy which is an end in itself, the true realm of freedom, which, however, can blossom forth only with this realm of necessity as its basis. The shortening of the working-day is its basic prerequisite.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/ch48.htmyou can disagree with him if you like.
>>2496512i am glad you now agree with marx's critique of smith that value is not transhistorical. congratulations.
>>2298757Is there any actual evidence for the falling rate of profit? I checked the Wikipedia page on it and all I read was there are contradictory studies on it. Is there an actual good paper that has not been debunked proving it?
>>2496511>so capitalists are not interested in total productivity, but marginal productivity. this is why in marxian terms, constant capital de-values commodities despite total productivity being increased.Interesting. Thanks. I think this part is key.
>>2496536It's a tendency with counter-tendencies, not an absolute destiny or predictive statement. The "falling rate of profit" is more properly called "the tendency of the rate of profit to fall." This is because constant capital (accumulated products of past labor, such as tools, technology, buildings, farms, etc.) makes variable capital (living labor) more productive than it would otherwise be. This makes it possible to produce more commodities, oversupplying the market, causing their price to fall, and decreasing profit rates. But capitalists can do a lot of things to restore profit rates. Like destroy constant capital in wars. It's just that some capitalists lose when this happens. But development of the world market and increase of constant capital relative to variable capital does tend to lower profit rates. The more developed and unified human civilization becomes, the less possible it becomes to profit, and the more abundant everything is, within the constraints of resource limitations, of course.
>>2496512>marx thinks we need to shorten the working dayWrong. You fail to grasp that Communism has already shortened the working day. IF YOU disagree with Communist China labor law, you disagree with Communism itself. You post Marx yet fail to grasp historical context of his words.
>>2496520read this and interpret it for me:
>In a word: the Marxian law of value holds generally, as far as economic laws are valid at all, for the whole period of simple commodity production — that is, up to the time when the latter suffers a modification through the appearance of the capitalist form of production. Up to that time, prices gravitate towards the values fixed according to the Marxian law and oscillate around those values, so that the more fully simple commodity production develops, the more the average prices over long periods uninterrupted by external violent disturbances coincide with values within a negligible margin. Thus, the Marxian law of value has general economic validity for a period lasting from the beginning of exchange, which transforms products into commodities, down to the 15th century of the present era. But the exchange of commodities dates from a time before all written history — which in Egypt goes back to at least 2500 B.C., and perhaps 5000 B.C., and in Babylon to 4000 B.C., perhaps to 6000 B.C.; thus, the law of value has prevailed during a period of from five to seven thousand years.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/supp.htm >>2496587it says the law of value is historically contingent
>>2496590omg can you two stop going in circles about this? you KNOW he's gonna say 7000 years ago is prehistorical and therefore marx is saying the law of value holds for all history, and therefore is not contingent on any one period of history. you two have been doing this for THREE THREADS IN A ROW. TALK ABOUT SOMETHING ELSE!!!!
>>2496585lets read his conclusive sentence:
>The shortening of the working-day is its basic prerequisite.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/ch48.htmwhat does this mean to you?
>>2496557another way of understanding it is the antagonism between use-value and exchange-value. with increased production, use-value stays constant while exchange-value declines. thus, goods of the same kind get cheaper over time, granting consumers more wealth. this is smith's basic view, and it contradicts capital since profits depend on higher prices.
>>2496590>contingentcontingent to human society but necessary to economic laws where they have validity. this is estimated by engels to be from a time before written history. marx makes the same inference:
>The mode of production in which the product takes the form of a commodity, or is produced directly for exchange, is the most general and most embryonic form of bourgeois production. It therefore makes its appearance at an early date in history, though not in the same predominating and characteristic manner as now-a-days.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm Adam Smith anon, I was reading Wealth of Nations and Adam Smith says:
>Till the price of cattle, indeed, has got to this height, it seems scarce possible that the greater part, even of those lands which are capable of the highest cultivation, can be completely cultivated. In all farms too distant from any town to carry manure from it, that is, in the far greater part of those of every extensive country, the quantity of well cultivated land must be in proportion to the quantity of manure which the farm itself produces; and this, again, must be in proportion to the stock of cattle which are maintained upon it. The land is manured, either by pasturing the cattle upon it, or by feeding them in the stable, and from thence carrying out their dung to it. But unless the price of the cattle be sufficient to pay both the rent and profit of cultivated land, the farmer cannot afford to pasture them upon it; and he can still less afford to feed them in the stable. It is with the produce of improved and cultivated land only that cattle can be fed in the stable; because, to collect the scanty and scattered produce of waste and unimproved lands, would require too much labour, and be too expensive. If the price of the cattle, therefore, is not sufficient to pay for the produce of improved and cultivated land, when they are allowed to pasture it, that price will be still less sufficient to pay for that produce, when it must be collected with a good deal of additional labour, and brought into the stable to them. In these circumstances, therefore, no more cattle can with profit be fed in the stable than what are necessary for tillage. But these can never afford manure enough for keeping constantly in good condition all the lands which they are capable of cultivating. What they afford, being insufficient for the whole farm, will naturally be reserved for the lands to which it can be most advantageously or conveniently applied; the most fertile, or those, perhaps, in the neighbourhood of the farm-yard. These, therefore, will be kept constantly in good condition, and fit for tillage. The rest will, the greater part of them, be allowed to lie waste, producing scarce any thing but some miserable pasture, just sufficient to keep alive a few straggling, half-starved cattle; the farm, though much overstocked in proportion to what would be necessary for its complete cultivation, being very frequently overstocked in proportion to its actual produce. A portion of this waste land, however, after having been pastured in this wretched manner for six or seven years together, may be ploughed up, when it will yield, perhaps, a poor crop or two of bad oats, or of some other coarse grain; and then, being entirely exhausted, it must be rested and pastured again as before, and another portion ploughed up, to be in the same manner exhausted and rested again in its turn. Such, accordingly, was the general system of management all over the low country of Scotland before the Union. The lands which were kept constantly well manured and in good condition seldom exceeded a third or fourth part of the whole farm, and sometimes did not amount to a fifth or a sixth part of it. The rest were never manured, but a certain portion of them was in its turn, notwithstanding, regularly cultivated and exhausted. Under this system of management, it is evident, even that part of the lands of Scotland which is capable of good cultivation, could produce but little in comparison of what it may be capable of producing. But how disadvantageous soever this system may appear, yet, before the Union, the low price of cattle seems to have rendered it almost unavoidable. If, notwithstanding a great rise in the price, it still continues to prevail through a considerable part of the country, it is owing in many places, no doubt, to ignorance and attachment to old customs, but, in most places, to the unavoidable obstructions which the natural course of things opposes to the immediate or speedy establishment of a better system: first, to the poverty of the tenants, to their not having yet had time to acquire a stock of cattle sufficient to cultivate their lands more completely, the same rise of price, which would render it advantageous for them to maintain a greater stock, rendering it more difficult for them to acquire it; and, secondly, to their not having yet had time to put their lands in condition to maintain this greater stock properly, supposing they were capable of acquiring it. The increase of stock and the improvement of land are two events which must go hand in hand, and of which the one can nowhere much outrun the other. Without some increase of stock, there can be scarce any improvement of land, but there can be no considerable increase of stock, but in consequence of a considerable improvement of land; because otherwise the land could not maintain it. These natural obstructions to the establishment of a better system, cannot be removed but by a long course of frugality and industry; and half a century or a century more, perhaps, must pass away before the old system, which is wearing out gradually, can be completely abolished through all the different parts of the country. Of all the commercial advantages, however, which Scotland has derived from the Union with England, this rise in the price of cattle is, perhaps, the greatest. It has not only raised the value of all highland estates, but it has, perhaps, been the principal cause of the improvement of the low country.
… based on what we know today, are his remarks about manure correct? Doesn't it require more energy to maintain livestock off the land than to just compost vegetable waste? Cattle convert plant waste into manure inefficiently. Composting is less resource-intensive and better for soil management, especially in plant-based systems. In most systems we no longer need manure to fertilize land, but even without synthetic fertilizers, composting seems more efficient, no?
>>2496581Yes yes that's all well and good but is there any actual data that backs up the tendency for the fall in the rate of profit in the long term. It's useless as a statement unless it has some actual backing in reality.
>>2496596well he was writing in 1776 so i presume more efficient methods have been created since.
>>2496599i shan't expect anymore complaints from you, then.
>>2496587<With his development this realm of physical necessity expands as a result of his wants; but, at the same time, the forces of production which satisfy these wants also increase. Freedom in this field can only consist in socialised man, the associated producers, rationally regulating their interchange with Nature, bringing it under their common control, instead of being ruled by it as by the blind forces of Nature; and achieving this with the least expenditure of energy and under conditions most favourable to, and worthy of, their human nature. But it nonetheless still remains a realm of necessity. Beyond it begins that development of human energy which is an end in itself, the true realm of freedom, which, however, can blossom forth only with this realm of necessity as its basis. The shortening of the working-day is its basic prerequisite.>what does this mean to you?Nothing because Communism has already accomplished this. When Marx wrote this everyone worked 80 hours weekly because Communism didn't actually exist. This neolithic blueprint means nothing because the plumbing was installed hundred years ago.
>>2496608so marx was right then, that people shouldnt work 80 hours a week?
What Engels is actually saying here is that the material conditions and relations of production under capitalism allow us for the first time to empirically observe the reality of abstract socially necessary labor time as a the true universal equivalent and that is why money doesn't have to be gold. Capitalism already contains the conditions for the abolition of money by generalizing labor-power as a commodity.
>>2496611youre only half-right. indeed, marx sees the abstraction of value as something to be known in modernity, precisely because the law of value is passing away into the law of surplus value (engels thus writes that the law of value has validity UNTIL capitalism, dont forget). we may also read this:
>Consequently it was the analysis of the prices of commodities that alone led to the determination of the magnitude of value, and it was the common expression of all commodities in money that alone led to the establishment of their characters as values.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmso marx sees value as an abstraction only possible by analysing the relations of prices as they occur.
>labor time as a the true universal equivalent and that is why money doesn't have to be golda "universal equivalent" is a commodity which takes the place of the value-form (price) of other commodities to so be measured by (hence why to marx the money commodity must possess divisible physical properties). what youre thinking of labour-time as "measure of value", but smith already said this.
>Capitalism already contains the conditions for the abolition of money by generalizing labor-power as a commoditybut to marx, money already represents labour-time. this is why replacing money with vouchers just means particularising what was once universal in exchange.
>>2496597Yes. Whenever there is an increase in constant capital responsible for manufacturing commodity A, unless there is economic planning to curb the production of commodity A, there is an increase in the market's ability to supply commodity A, and the oversupply of commodity A decreases its demand, which causes the price to fall. The falling prices subsequently cause a decrease in profits. Capital's own Achilles heal is that it increases the efficiency of production, while keeping it unplanned, privatized, and profit-driven. This leads to crises of ovrerproduction and the tendency of profit rates to fall. The counter tendency is war and the deliberate destruction of productive forces. This is the reactionary tendency of capitalism to destroy its own bounty (cheap commodities) in the name of bringing the price back up. This is a long term tendency that has been observed repeatedly over 2 centuries. But capitalists cope because there are brief periods of prevailing counter-tendency, usually during and after wars. Because the destruction of constant capital increases the need for variable capital, and the exploitation of variable capital (living labor) is responsible for high prices and consequently high profit rates. Make sense?
>>2496610the question was
<this seems to be a central economic question then; how long should the working day be, and why are we unable to change the current state of affairs? >>2496597i would say for empirical evidence we can see the amount of businesses subsidised by the state.
>>2496624>what youre thinking of labour-time as "measure of value", but smith already said this.smith talks about abstract socially necessary labor time?
>>2496608>humanity has achieved communism, famously a state of affairs to be established, because the work week has been lowered from 80 hours to 40 hours.r u sure?
>>2496642we have to approach it gradually. when marx speaks of "abstract labour" what he means is the consideration of different concrete labours as quantities of the same substance (an abstraction made by exchange):
>But the exchange of commodities is evidently an act characterised by a total abstraction from use value. Then one use value is just as good as another, provided only it be present in sufficient quantity […] As use values, commodities are, above all, of different qualities, but as exchange values they are merely different quantities, and consequently do not contain an atom of use value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmhe often makes reference to benjamin franklin in this regard (who wrote before smith) as theorising this:
<The celebrated Franklin, one of the first economists, after Wm. Petty, who saw through the nature of value, says: “Trade in general being nothing else but the exchange of labour for labour, the value of all things is … most justly measured by labour.”https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm<Franklin, on the contrary, considers that the value of shoes, minerals, yarn, paintings, etc., is determined by abstract labour which has no particular quality and can thus be measured only in terms of quantity.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1859/critique-pol-economy/ch01a.htmaristotle also speaks of *money* being the "measure of value", but to marx, this is obviously insufficient. according to marx, franklin successfully sees value as abstract labour, but its smith who formalises it:
>Labour, therefore, is the real measure of the exchangeable value of all commodities.https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/smith-adam/works/wealth-of-nations/book01/ch05.htmso far we have abstract labour-time. where it regards a notion of "necessity", there is then ricardo:
<The value of a commodity, or the quantity of any other commodity for which it will exchange, depends on the relative quantity of labour which is necessary for its productionhttps://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/economics/ricardo/tax/ch01.htmso now we have exchange-value defined by the necessary abstract labour-time read to produce commodities. for this reason, paul cockshott says that marx and ricardo share the same theory of value:
>the theory of value in Marx is identical in all major predictions to that of Ricardo […] The theories are therefore substantially identical in the empirical predictions they make, differing only slightly in terminology […] Marx and Ricardo say the same thing where they are both right and say the same thing where they are both wrong. So yes Marx has a labour theory of value as Ricardo had. https://paulcockshott.wordpress.com/2018/04/05/did-marx-have-a-labour-theory-of-value/lets see marx's formulation of SNLT:
>The value of a commodity, therefore, varies directly as the quantity, and inversely as the productiveness, of the labour incorporated in it.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm[q] = quantity of labour-time
[p] = productivity of labour
[q/p] = SNLT
this is also the same formula as what jevons uses to express the "rate of production" (theory of political economy, chapter 5): [x/t]
in this, harvey sees the same theory of value as ricardo:
>One reason Marx could get away with this cryptic presentation of use-value, exchange-value and value was because anybody who had read Ricardo would say, yes, this is Ricardo. And it is pure Ricardo with, however, one exceptional insertion.<companion to capital, chapter 1what is this insertion however?
>Marx uses the concept of socially necessary labor time. What Marx has done here is to replicate the Ricardian conceptual apparatus and, seemingly innocently, insert a modification. But this insertion, as we shall see, makes a world of difference.<companion to capital, chapter 1harvey elaborates:
>A representation of value, says Marx. And value is socially necessary labor time. But value doesn't mean anything unless it connects back to use value. Use-value is socially necessary to value […] But in order for the labor to be socially necessary, somebody somewhere must want, need or desire the commodity, which means that use-values have to be reintegrated into the argument.<companion to capital, chapter 1all that he seems to be qualifying is the very basic point that a commodity must be useful to be valuable, but we can already read this in marx:
>Lastly nothing can have value, without being an object of utility. If the thing is useless, so is the labour contained in it; the labour does not count as labour, and therefore creates no value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmand here he defines social necessity as usefulness:
>For this, it is necessary that the labour expended upon it, be of a kind that is socially useful, of a kind that constitutes a branch of the social division of labour.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmthis would differ from ricardo only if he didnt qualify value in the same way, but he does:
>If a commodity were in no way useful, - in other words, if it could in no way contribute to our gratification, - it would be destitute of exchangeable value, however scarce it might be, or whatever quantity of labour might be necessary to procure it.https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/economics/ricardo/tax/ch01.htmwe may read patrick murray in the same way,
>Concrete labour involved in commodities that are not sold proves itself to be not ‘socially necessary’. It fails to produce value. Thus, though the general idea of abstract (physiological) labour has nothing to do with the market or demand, market considerations definitely enter into the concept of ‘practically abstract’ labour.<the mismeasure of wealth, chapter 5he foonotes this to make distinction from ricardo:
>In Marxian value theory, value is not an independent variable that determines price, as in Ricardian value theory. This difference signals the ‘truly social’ character of Marx’s theory of value. Marx recognises price as the necessary expression of the value of a commodity, that is, of the peculiar social form of the labour that produced the commodity. But labour does not exist independently of its social form, a reality to which Ricardian theory is oblivious.<the mismeasure of wealth, chapter 5, footnote 38of course, this has been down to be a totally erroneous interpretation of ricardo. to ricardo, a commodity only possesses a value in exchange if it also has utility. continuing with harvey, he even apppears misunderstands marx's law of value:
>The rise of monetary exchange leads to socially necessary labor-time becoming the guiding force within a capitalistic mode of production. Therefore, value as socially necessary labor-time is historically specific to the capitalist mode of production. It arises only in a situation where market exchange is doing the requisite job.<companion to capital, chapter 1of course this is untrue, since value to marx has always been SNLT and it is only in the capitalist mode of production that the law of value begins to be usurped by the law of surplus value, spoken of by smith in the decomposition of the value of commodities (the cost of production being shared between wages, rents and profits, which differs from the "rude" state of man). the mystifying allure harvey applies to marx appears entirely disastrous from his intentions, especially where he severely misinterprets his work by value-form historicism, the same fatal flaw which plagues michael heinrich's treatment of marx. even if we grant the historicity of value, marx still sees money as ancient:
>The value-form, whose fully developed shape is the money-form, is very elementary and simple. Nevertheless, the human mind has for more than 2,000 years sought in vain to get to the bottom of it allhttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/p1.htmso its academic failure on their part. to say that value is a modern "concept" is true to marx's own meaning:
>The economic concept of value does not occur in antiquity.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch15.htm>Aristotle therefore, himself, tells us what barred the way to his further analysis; it was the absence of any concept of valuehttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmas yet, marx still sees value present in exchange:
<The brilliancy of Aristotle’s genius is shown by this alone, that he discovered, in the expression of the value of commodities, a relation of equality. The peculiar conditions of the society in which he lived, alone prevented him from discovering what, “in truth,” was at the bottom of this equality.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htmand in hegelian terms, the realisation of something means its self-relation by mutual otherness; it only comes to be as it passes away, such as marx says:
>Production as directly identical with consumption, and consumption as directly coincident with production, is termed by them productive consumption. This identity of production and consumption amounts to Spinoza’s thesis: determinatio est negatio […] For example, a garment becomes a real garment only in the act of being worn; a house where no one lives is in fact not a real house; thus the product, unlike a mere natural object, proves itself to be, becomes, a product only through consumption. Only by decomposing the product does consumption give the product the finishing touch; for the product is production not as objectified activity, but rather only as object for the active subjecthttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch01.htmwe may relate this to hegel's own words:
>The absolute Idea has turned out to be the identity of the theoretical and the practical Idea. Each of these by itself is still one-sided, possessing the Idea only as a sought for beyond and an unattained goal; each, therefore, is a synthesis of endeavour, and has, but equally has not, the Idea in it; each passes from one thought to the other without bringing the two together, and so remains fixed in their contradiction. https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/hegel/works/hl/hlabsolu.htmso i feel that academic marxists like david harvey, (patrick murray, andrew kliman) and michael heinrich are misunderstanding many points in marx's work.
to conclude,
(i) smith speaks of abstract labour-time
(ii) ricardo adds necessity
(iii) marx makes no obvious advancement from this since social necessity is still defined by social utility, which ricardo also qualifies values as possessing. the only real difference, which he also builds his case against the classical school on is to distinguish labour-power as a commodity from labour as a substance (capital vol. 1, ch. 19). this he even depends on thomas hobbes to achieve, however (value, price and profit, ch. 7). this seems to be his biggest theoretical difference:
>Labour is the substance, and the immanent measure of value, but has itself no value […] For the rest, in respect to the phenomenal form, “value and price of labour,” or “wages,” as contrasted with the essential relation manifested therein, viz., the value and price of labour-power, the same difference holds that holds in respect to all phenomena and their hidden substratum […] Classical Political Economy nearly touches the true relation of things, without, however, consciously formulating it. This it cannot, so long as it sticks in its bourgeois skin.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch19.htm John Bates Clark's (1899) influential theory of wages:
>In like manner, we may find it useful, in presenting the law by which wages are fixed, to go through an imaginary operation of setting men at work, one man at a time or one company of men at a time, and thus to find what importance the market places on the last one. This reveals the operation of a law of diminishing productivity; and whether we take a single man or a body of men as the unit of labor, any unit can get, as pay, what the last one would produce, if the force were set working in this way.https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/clark-the-distribution-of-wealth-a-theory-of-wages-interest-and-profitshere we see what is presented in precise similarity to jevons; that wages comport to the price paid per marginal product of labour in relation to fixed capital. what is more elaborate here however is treating it more macroeconomically, that as the quantity of workers increases, so does their diminishment of product - this is also why unemployment has its inevitable gradient at the point where the disutility of labour is excessive. it is a myth that keynes disbelieved in this gradient and simply wanted to hire people for useless positions (thus increasing disutility, or costs over return).
There's any good book about criticism to mainstream modern economics?
John Bates Clark's (1899) mercantilist theory of profit vs jevons' equalisation of utility and disutility:
https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/clark-the-distribution-of-wealth-a-theory-of-wages-interest-and-profitschapter 8:
>Theoretically, there is competition between employers for every workman whose presence in an establishment affords to the owner any profit over what he pays to him; and the competition stops only when this profit is annihilated.in the first place, clark understands profit in an expressly mercantile sense, of requesting a price over the cost of production - as he freely admits here (chapter 12):
<We have noted the fact that an entrepreneur's net profit is an incentive to competition. Such a profit is mercantile, and means that employees are selling their products for more than they are paying out in wages and interest—that the price of the goods exceeds the cost of the elements that compose them.in speaking of costs of production he says this:
>It has been rightly asserted by early economists that the natural price of an article is one that yields only the cost of producing it, and this view is in harmony with common experience.yet he qualifies this smithian assertion with this:
<Normal prices are no-profit prices.he estimates this based on this:
>They afford wages for all the labor that is involved in producing the goods, including the labor of superintending the mills, managing the finances, keeping the accounts, collecting the debts and doing all the work of directing the policy of the business. They afford, also, interest on all the capital that is used in the business, whether it is owned by the entrepreneur or borrowed from some one else. Beyond this there is no return, if prices stand exactly at their normal rate; and the reason for this is that entrepreneurs compete with each other in selling their goods, and so reduce prices to the no-net-profit level.he says it elsewise here (chapter 12):
>We noted the fact that "natural price," as defined by economists, is really a wages-and-interest price; for it equals the sum of these two outlays. A profit-giving price exceeds that sum, but the competition that tends to annihilate the profit cuts it off at both ends.he is right in one sense, that perfect competition leads to perfect equilibrium, but he fails to see that within the costs of production is the revenue composition which affords itself to the replenishment and gain of the entrepeneur, above the rates of capital interest. if this were not the case, then all entrepeneurs would be poor. what he appears to be saying then is that competition itself must be unequal for personal profits to be gained, by the subsequent losses of another. jevons explains this loss to the worker rationally, by an excess pain balancing to an equalised rate of utility, while clark is much less rational, proposing a vulgar economics of perpetual gains and losses in place of equation of inverse ratios.
>>2496624so smith does not talk about abstract socially necessary labor time. thanks
>>2497410the original question concerned labour-time as the "measure of value", which smith indeed theorises. youre free to explain the difference in your own terms however, which i already have.
jevons' marginalism finding unity with classicism:
as we have seen earlier (chapter 4), jevons portrays a gradation of value from the first cause of the cost of production:
>Cost of production determines supply. Supply determines final degree of utility. Final degree of utility determines value.
he returns to this later (chapter 5) to see the relation between all these variables in the ratios of exchange:
>The quantities of commodity given or received in exchange are directly proportional to the degrees of productiveness of labour applied to their production, and inversely proportional to the values and prices of those commodities and to their costs of production per unit, as well as to their final degrees of utility.
he puts this more succinctly here:
<value is proportional to cost of production. As, moreover, the final degrees of utility of commodities are inversely as the quantities exchanged, it follows that the values per unit are directly proportional to the final degrees of utility.
he expresses the connective chain likewise: (picrel)
to conclude, as he says:
>It may tend to give the reader confidence in the preceding theories when he finds that they lead directly to the well-known law, as stated in the ordinary language of economists, that value is proportional to the cost of production. As I prefer to state the same law, it is to the effect that the ratio of exchange of commodities will conform in the long run to the ratio of productiveness, which is the reciprocal of the ratio of the costs of production.
to clarify: to jevons, the ratio of exchange equalises to the rate of the final degree of utility - so commodities of the same supply will have an equally diminished utility per commodity as it relates to total productivity. the "long run" normal price of commodities therefore depends upon rates of production corresponding with costs.
>>2497887i already corrected you that the measure of value and universal equivalent are different things and said that to consider labour-time as measure of value is what smith had already theorised. you asked if it was "abstract socially necessary labour-time" (whatever that means in your head), so i give you the genaeology. marx also happily substitutes SNLT with "labour-time" plainly here:
>Money as a measure of value, is the phenomenal form that must of necessity be assumed by that measure of value which is immanent in commodities, labour-time.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmof the actuality and immanence of the measure of values, marx also brings distinction where it regards smith:
>he confuses the measure of value as the immanent measure which at the same time forms the substance of value, with the measure of value in the sense that money is called a measure of value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1863/theories-surplus-value/ch03.htmso its more of marx's hegelian pedantry at work. smith's generality works well enough.
>>2497895>smith's generality works well enough.but he misses social necessity, which is only introduced by Ricardo as you pointed out. and you are still missing the abstract part, which only occurs with the generalization of wage labor and commodity production and is not the same thing as the average or total concrete labor
>>2497898>necessityits not an important detail
>still missing the abstract part, which only occurs with the generalization of wage laboras you clearly failed to read, the abstraction of labour to marx occurs where concrete labours are considered quantities of the same substance by exchange. the very act of commodity exchange itself produces the social abstraction of labour (value):
>But the exchange of commodities is evidently an act characterised by a total abstraction from use value. Then one use value is just as good as another, provided only it be present in sufficient quantity […] As use values, commodities are, above all, of different qualities, but as exchange values they are merely different quantities, and consequently do not contain an atom of use value.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch01.htm >>2497898>>2497901to marx, the conceptualisation (self-realisation) of value only occurs in modernity however, precisely because it is passing away into the determination of the magnitude of exchange of commodities by surplus value:
>>The economic CONCEPT of value does not occur in antiquity.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch15.htmso its hegelian jargon. easy to be confused by it.
>>2497905at least you have finally managed to reproduce marx accurately.
>>2497898in my post however, you can see that there is an academic marxist position that the concept and abstraction of value are the same thing, so both occur in capitalism: (i.e. david harvey, patrick murray and michael heinrich). so you can take that position and be in respectable hands, but to me it appears to entirely contradict the text. what is unique in capitalism is as smith puts it; labour as "the first price" is supplanted for a composition between labour, capital and land. this also appears to largely be marx's historical perspective. i would say that there is too much simplification in this however and marx is actually more correct than smith, that ancient forms of capital like interest (chrematistics) existed to compose prices of surplus values. modern anthropological texts also treat debt as a basic social relation, which obviously continues into capitalism. so in the past, it was not simply men trading equal quantities of labour, but coin clipping and cheating at every turn.
>>2497921as opposed to when?
exposing marxian lies about the origin of marginalism:
paul mattick (1939):
>The development of marginal utility economics is closely connected with the difficulty of the proponents of the classical theory to confute Marxist theories, as both the Classicists and the Marxists based their argument on the same objective value concept. The marginal utility school arose in defense of capitalism, and its apology consisted in the construction of a value concept which justified the prevailing class and income differentiations.https://www.marxists.org/archive/mattick-paul/1939/marginal.htmernest mandel (1962):
>In order to neutralise the “socialist danger”. which was felt with especial keenness after the revolution of 1848, and above all after the Paris Commune (1871), the entire structure based on the labour theory of value had to be demolished. This was the great turning-point of bourgeois political economy, towards the marginal theory of valuehttps://www.marxists.org/archive/mandel/works/marxist-economic-theory/marginalists.htmthis isnt just paul mattick or ernest mandel however, but michael hudson, richard wolff, steve keen, paul cockshott and edward l. smith - relatedly, ian wright has called jevons a racist for comments much milder than what engels writes (on the housing question, 1845), yet i dont see that bad press. as i have presented from jevons' preface for the second edition of "theory of political economy" (1879), marginalism began in 1854 (3 years before marx began the grundrisse) by a german named gossen, and only later saw popularity with jevons (who first published his ideas from 1862-6, a year before marx's das kapital and 16 years before the first english edition in 1887). jevons in his work heavily cites major spokespersons of the LTV, ricardo and j.s. mill, of whom he also largely agrees with, directly and indirectly. there is no conspiracy to undermine them at all. of alfred marshall (1890) also, keynes makes this comment (1936):
>Alfred Marshall, on whose Principles of Economics all contemporary English economists have been brought up, was at particular pains to emphasise the continuity of his thought with Ricardo's. His work largely consisted in grafting the marginal principle and the principle of substitution on to the Ricardian tradition; and his theory of output and consumption as a whole, as distinct from his theory of the production and distribution of a given output, was never separately expounded. https://gutenberg.net.au/ebooks03/0300071h/gerpref.htmlif the father of neoclassical canon was really just a polemicist against the classical school, why would he offer appreciation to ricardo? as paul mattick says, the marginalists are trying to get away from the classical school, but this is obviously false. the neoclassical school and marginal utility theory can then be reasonably seen to be an honest pursuit of economic theory, rather than an attack on any existing traditions.
friedrich engels' comments on marginal utility theory:
>The fashionable theory just now here is that of Stanley Jevons according to which value is determined by utility, i.e. Tauschwert-Gebrauchswert [exchange value - use-value] and on the other hand by the limit of supply (i.e. the cost of production), which is merely a confused and circuitous way of saying that value is determined by supply and demand. Vulgar Economy everywhere!https://marxists.architexturez.net/archive/marx/works/1888/letters/88_01_05.htm>One need not strain his thinking powers to see that this explanation for the profits of capital, as advanced by "vulgar economy," amounts in practice to the same thing as the Marxian theory of surplus-value; that the workers are in just the same "unfavourable condition" according to Lexis as according to Marx; that they are just as much the victims of swindle because every non-worker can sell commodities above price, while the worker cannot do so; and that it is just as easy to build up an at least equally plausible vulgar socialism on the basis of this theory, as that built in England on the foundation of Jevons’s and Menger’s theory of use-value and marginal utility. I even suspect that if Mr. George Bernard Shaw had been familiar with this theory of profit, he would have likely fallen to with both hands, discarding Jevons and Karl Menger, to build anew the Fabian church of the future upon this rock.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/pref.htmas i have written before, jevons' view (1871) is not the same as clarke's (1899), who indeed has a "vulgar" imagination as to viable trade being a condition of disequilibrium, while jevons sees equilibrium as the very condition of trade. jevons also theorises surplus value of the capitalist as simultaneous disutility to the worker.
marginal utility theorists on the falling rate of profit:
first is jevons (1871):
https://www.econlib.org/library/YPDBooks/Jevons/jvnPE.html?chapter_num=11#book-reader>It is one of the favourite doctrines of economists since the time of Adam Smith, that as society progresses and capital accumulates, the rate of profit, or more strictly speaking, the rate of interest, tends to fall. The rate will always ultimately sink so low, they think, that the inducements to further accumulation will cease. This doctrine is in striking agreement with the result of the somewhat abstract analytical investigation given above. Our formula for the rate of interest shows that unless there be constant progress in the arts, the rate must tend to sink towards zero, supposing accumulation of capital to go on. There are sufficient statistical facts, too, to confirm this conclusion historically. The only question that can arise is as to the actual cause of this tendency.a cause which he gives is in the next section:
<We must take great care not to confuse the rate of interest on capital with the whole advantage which it confers on industry. The rate of interest depends on the advantage of the last increment of capital, and the advantages of previous increments may be greater in almost any ratio. In considering the laws of utility, we found that an article possessing an immensely great total utility, for instance corn or water, might have a very low final degree of utility, because our need of it was almost entirely satisfied;yet the ratio of exchange always depends upon the final, not the previous degree of utility.
this basically means that the interest on capital (costs of repair from capital investment) are set at the rate of marginal utility, not total utility - so declining profits are in fact an inevitable fact of increased production, which ensures a total product over marginal output. we see another marginalist, clark (1899):
https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/clark-the-distribution-of-wealth-a-theory-of-wages-interest-and-profits>They afford wages for all the labor that is involved in producing the goods, including the labor of superintending the mills, managing the finances, keeping the accounts, collecting the debts and doing all the work of directing the policy of the business. They afford, also, interest on all the capital that is used in the business, whether it is owned by the entrepreneur or borrowed from some one else. Beyond this there is no return, if prices stand exactly at their normal rate; and the reason for this is that entrepreneurs compete with each other in selling their goods, and so reduce prices to the no-net-profit level.so according to marginal utility theory, the increasing investment of capital in production leads to a tendency in the rate of profit to fall, combined with competition leading prices toward equilibrium.
(1/4)
summarising and reviewing william stanley jevons' "theory of political economy" (1871-9)
beginning with the prefaces, jevons makes overt reference to bentham's utilitarianism (explored later in the book) along with stating that he wishes to reduce economic deduction to physical models of statical mechanics. he also wishes to relate economics to a purely mathematical framework as he sees already in effect since the time of smith. mathematics he swiftly defines as a science of quantities and their relation.
of the term "economics", jevons says that he prefers it to "political economy" if nothing more for brevity's sake, but also that it may be more properly codefied amongst the philosophical sciences like "ethics" and "aesthetics". here then we begin to see the shift from "political economy" toward "economics".
in the second preface, he speaks of the supposed novelty of his work as it first appeared, but reveals from subsequent correspondence that the theory of marginal utility (what jevons calls "degree of utility") began in 1854 with a german named gossen. his work fell into total obscurity and he died soon after, unable to retain his legacy. jevons says that the similarities between his and gossen's work are remarkable but have no present connection. from this, jevons concludes that his work is not as novel as he imagined, but may still be useful.
chapter 1 begins with this:
>Repeated reflection and inquiry have led me to the somewhat novel opinion, that value depends entirely upon utility
this is the basis of his theory, which was prefaced by reference to intervals of pain and pleasure. of the notion that labour is the cause of value, he says this:
<Labour is found often to determine value, but only in an indirect manner, by varying the degree of utility of the commodity through an increase or limitation of the supply.
here then, we see the meaning of value to jevons; the increase of supply by labour has indirect determination upon the utility of goods. what is greater in supply constitutes a lesser (final) degree of utility, and vice versa - but we'll get to that later.
in establishing a proper study of phenomena by mathematical means requires jevons to quantify variables in relation to one another. he speaks upon the viability of this and also makes reference to bentham:
>Now there can be no doubt that pleasure, pain, labour, utility, value, wealth, money, capital, etc., are all notions admitting of quantity; nay, the whole of our actions in industry and trade certainly depend upon comparing quantities of advantage or disadvantage. Even the theories of moralists have recognised the quantitative character of the subject. Bentham's Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation is thoroughly mathematical in the character of the method.
he speaks upon the difficulty of determining the quantity of pleasure one may feel, but still gives an axiom:
>Pleasures, in short, are, for the time being, as the mind estimates them; so that we cannot make a choice, or manifest the will in any way, without indicating thereby an excess of pleasure in some direction.
pleasure then, is simply the prerequisite for purposive human activity, with pain being an opposite force. pleasure then, is utility and pain is disutility. jevons also stresses that what is truly subjective of feeling is that which is entirely indeterminate of quantity:
>The reader will find, again, that there is never, in any single instance, an attempt made to compare the amount of feeling in one mind with that in another. I see no means by which such comparison can be accomplished.
he clarifies here:
<The theory turns upon those critical points where pleasures are nearly, if not quite, equal. I never attempt to estimate the whole pleasure gained by purchasing a commodity; the theory merely expresses that, when a man has purchased enough, he would derive equal pleasure from the possession of a small quantity more as he would from the money price of it. Similarly, the whole amount of pleasure that a man gains by a day's labour hardly enters into the question; it is when a man is doubtful whether to increase his hours of labour or not, that we discover an equality between the pain of that extension and the pleasure of the increase of possessions derived from it.
continuing, he gives his macroeconomic method as a means of assessing what is aggregate in phenomena:
>I must here point out that, though the theory presumes to investigate the condition of a mind, and bases upon this investigation the whole of Economics, practically it is an aggregate of individuals which will be treated […] it is quite impossible to detect the operation of general laws of this kind in the actions of one or a few individuals […] The use of an average, or, what is the same, an aggregate result, depends upon the high probability that accidental and disturbing causes will operate, in the long run, as often in one direction as the other, so as to neutralise each other.
and he gives emphasis upon its scientific nature:
>the theory here given may be described as the mechanics of utility and self-interest […] Its method is as sure and demonstrative as that of kinematics or statics, nay, almost as self-evident as are the elements of Euclid, when the real meaning of the formulæ is fully seized […] I do not hesitate to say, too, that Economics might be gradually erected into an exact science, if only commercial statistics were far more complete and accurate than they are at present, so that the formulae could be endowed with exact meaning by the aid of numerical data […] The deductive science of Economics must be verified and rendered useful by the purely empirical science of Statistics. Theory must be invested with the reality and life of fact.
and he concludes chapter 1 with this:
<the object of Economics is to maximise happiness by purchasing pleasure, as it were, at the lowest cost of pain […] The calculus of utility aims at supplying the ordinary wants of man at the least cost of labour.
beginning chapter 2, he comes to define the various manners of utility from bentham, which have relevance to the field of economics. he defines them thusly:
(1) Its intensity.
(2) Its duration.
(3) Its certainty or uncertainty.
(4) Its propinquity or remoteness.
he now comes to define the dimensions of utility by its basic units of pleasure and pain (after already perceiving the relations of duration and intensity):
>we may treat pleasure and pain as positive and negative quantities are treated in algebra […] Our object will always be to maximise the resulting sum in the direction of pleasure, which we may fairly call the positive direction
he comes to define propinquity or remoteness of utility:
>It is certain that a very large part of what we experience in life depends not on the actual circumstances of the moment so much as on the anticipation of future events […] The intensity of present anticipated feeling must, to use a mathematical expression, be some function of the future actual feeling and of the intervening time, and it must increase as we approach the moment of realisation.
here, the propinquity (proximity) to something builds anticipation, which can be expressed inversely in its potential from its actuality. for this function, jevons percieves it to be the root of all saving. this closely relates to the uncertainty of pleasure, which is also present, since to invest in the future is to save, and thus to grant the dimension of time inversely of propinquity (potential pleasure) to consumption (actual pleasure). propinquity then differs from pain as a denial of pleasure; it is rather the building of pleasure by an increase of purchasing power (though jevons does not directly state this here). this concludes chapter 2.
(2/4)
chapter 3 begins with a description of the commodity:
>By a commodity we shall understand any object, substance, action, or service, which can afford pleasure or ward off pain […] Whatever can produce pleasure or prevent pain may possess utility
what jevons neglects in his general assessment is the condition of the item being purchased for other goods; it is this reciprocity which surely defines the economic category of commodity, rather than simply utility. after this, jevons equates utilitarian morality exactly with economic activity. this blending of economics, morality and mechanics appears to be an unsightly hodgepodge. after this, jevons describes the relativity of value:
>In the first place, utility, though a quality of things, is no inherent quality. It is better described as a circumstance of things arising out of their relation to man's requirements.
he describes utility's relativity in this manner:
>Utility must be considered as measured by, or even as actually identical with, the addition made to a person's happiness.
here, utility is already segmented as a quantity to be added to an existing sum of happiness. following from this we may see further arithmetical implications:
>(1) We must now carefully discriminate between the total utility arising from any commodity and the utility attaching to any particular portion of it.
>(2) Thus the total utility of the food we eat consists in maintaining life, and may be considered as infinitely great; but if we were to subtract a tenth part from what we eat daily, our loss would be but slight.
<(3) We should certainly not lose a tenth part of the whole utility of food to us. It might be doubtful whether we should suffer any harm at all.
we must follow the logic. in the first place, we distinguish between total and partial utility. secondly, to subtract a part of the total is to lower total utility, but not to lower what is only partial of the whole. thirdly, to lose a certain part of the whole is not to lose any utility at all. it seems confusing, but it is represented by jevons in a diagram of 10 bars descending in size from one another in linear order. he describes it this way:
>We can now form a clear notion of the utility of the whole food, or of any part of it, for we have only to add together the proper rectangles. The utility of the first half of the food will be the sum of the rectangles standing on the line oa; that of the second half will be represented by the sum of the smaller rectangles between a and b. The total utility of the food will be the whole sum of the rectangles, and will be infinitely great.
so then, total utility and partial utility are separated by divided segments of the commodity provided. with each addition of the commodity, the total value increases positively, but at a diminished rate, while partial value decreases with each margin of consumption. what we may determine then is that total value grows incrimentally as partial value decreases. as a real example of food, we may of course see how relieving of hunger diminishes pain, causing pleasure, but consumption after satiety causes distress. what is lacking in this primary example then (fig. iii) is the negation of total value by the absolute and inverse diminishment of marginal utility. in economic terms, the overproduction of a commodity causes part of it to not be sold, making the producer lose value. the losses suffered from lack of sale are clearly indicative of a negation of total utility by a marginal product which serves the market. jevons only speaks briefly on overproduction and simply says that it is a particulsr issue for particular industries but has no relevance to the economy generally. a thinker like marx perceives an inherent loss to overproduction in a way that jevons doesnt, which makes him more comprehensible on this point. even as a simple hypothetical, the total value of water at one time has an absolutely negative total utility since drinking too much water can kill you. jevons' positivistic framework causes issues, yet it is where jevons admits of the disutility of labour where his theory has most relevance to me, so that is his worthiness.
jevons now formalises the separation:
>Utility may be treated as a quantity of two dimensions, one dimension consisting in the quantity of the commodity, and another in the intensity of the effect produced upon the consumer […] We are now in a position to appreciate perfectly the difference between the total utility of any commodity and the degree of utility of the commodity at any point.
this partial utility he calls "(final) degree of utility":
>I shall therefore commonly use the expression final degree of utility, as meaning the degree of utility of the last addition, or the next possible addition of a very small, or infinitely small, quantity to the existing stock. In ordinary circumstances, too, the final degree of utility will not be great compared with what it might be. Only in famine or other extreme circumstances do we approach the higher degrees of utility.
in other words, the greater the supply of good, the lesser in utility is its additional consumption (and therefore, the lower its price, for sake of its relative uselessness). only where there is low supply can there be a higher gradient of utility for what is produced (and thus a higher price):
<We cannot live without water, and yet in ordinary circumstances we set no value on it. Why is this? Simply because we usually have so much of it that its final degree of utility is reduced nearly to zero. We enjoy, every day, the almost infinite utility of water, but then we do not need to consume more than we have. Let the supply run short by drought, and we begin to feel the higher degrees of utility, of which we think but little at other times […] We may state as a general law, that the degree of utility varies with the quantity of commodity, and ultimately decreases as that quantity increases. No commodity can be named which we continue to desire with the same force, whatever be the quantity already in use or possession.
yet he qualifies this by speaking of higher consumption:
>This may be the case with some things, especially the simple animal requirements, such as food, water, air, etc. But the more refined and intellectual our needs become, the less are they capable of satiety. To the desire for articles of taste, science, or curiosity, when once excited, there is hardly a limit.
perhaps this is to imply where the price of luxury goods derive, or maybe it is merely a flippant remark upon the diversity of possible goods, but regardless, he doesnt follow up on it.
after this, he introduces a new term:
>For the abstract notion, the opposite or negative of utility, we may invent the term disutility, which will mean something different from inutility, or the absence of utility. It is obvious that utility passes through inutility before changing into disutility, these notions being related as +, 0 and -.
this becomes relevant later, where the exertion of labour as pain is seen to meet its own marginal product in a corresponding pleasure. thus, we may suffer, by exertion of privation, but only for a higher pleasure. this sublimation of activity is not equated with saving (propinquity), but only what is immediate to its object. after this, he speaks upon the relativity of utility:
>The principles of utility may be illustrated by considering the mode in which we distribute a commodity when it is capable of several uses […] Let (s) be the whole stock of some commodity, and let it be capable of two distinct uses. Then we may represent the two quantities appropriated to these uses by (x¹) and (y¹), it being a condition that (x¹ + y¹ = s) […] We must, in other words, have the final degrees of utility in the two uses equal.
this appears to be a confused argument on the face of it however, since no condition of equality is pre-established, but must only be presupposed. what the grounds of equality may consist in is what jevons describes in composition of physical commodities:
>Beginning with the easiest and simplest ideas, the dimensions of commodity regarded merely as a physical quantity will be the dimensions of mass.
we may then say that (x¹) and (y¹) compose equal portions of the same mass of total stock (s). what is interesting in this element of mass however is the condition of utility depending upon production (which becomes explicit later on). if we now organise utility by the partiality of segmented masses of a total mass, then consumption becomes a comprehensible quantity:
>Quantity of supply must necessarily be estimated by the number of units of commodity divided by the number of units in the time over which it is to be expended. Thus it will involve M positively and T negatively, and its dimensions will be represented by MT -1. Thus in reality supply should be taken to mean not supply absolutely, but rate of supply […] Consumption of commodity must have the same dimensions. For goods must be consumed in time; any action or effect endures a greater or less time, and commodity which will be abundant for a less time may be scanty for a greater time […] Accordingly it is rate of supply, rate of production, rate of consumption, per unit of time that we shall be really treating; but it does not follow that T -1 enters into all the dimensions with which we deal.
so then, what is considered in simultaneity is,
(1) rate of supply
(2) rate of production
(3) rate of consumption
and all measured by the dimension (MT -1): quantity of goods (supplied/produced/consumed) over time. added to this is (U), or intensity of pleasure (degree of utility):
>To enjoy a highly pleasurable condition, a person must want a good deal of commodity, and must be well supplied with it. Now, this supply is, as already explained, rate of supply, so that we must multiply U by MT -1 in order to arrive at the real instantaneous state of feeling. The kind of quantity thus symbolised by MUT -1 must be interpreted as meaning so much commodity producing a certain amount of pleasurable effect per unit of time.
so (U) to jevons is an infinitesimal of utility, and MUT -1 is its temporal dimension by alloying it to duration:
<But this quantity will not be quantity of utility itself. It will only be that quantity which, when multiplied by time, will produce quantity of utility. Pleasure, as was stated at the outset, has the dimensions of intensity and duration. It is then this intensity which is symbolised by MUT -1, and we must multiply this last symbol by T in order to obtain the dimensions of utility or quantity of pleasure produced. But in making this multiplication, MUT -1 T reduces to MU, which must therefore be taken to denote the dimensions of quantity of utility.
here then we have the dimensions of the quantity of utility as a means to measure pleasure: (MU). jevons explains that upon (figure iv), (U) is measured vertically while MT -1 (rate of supply) is measured horizontally. time has no positive dimension, since it is negative, and so eliminates itself by multiplication (MUT -1 * T = MU). he otherwise defines the variables likewise:
(M) = absolute amount of commodity.
(MT -1) = amount of commodity applied, per unit of time.
(U) = increment pleasure of that supply
(MUT -1) = pleasure of commodity per unit of time.
(MU) = absolute pleasurable effect produced by commodity in an unspecified duration of time.
admittedly, in the terms that jevons describes this, it seems slightly incomprehsible. i follow up to the point where time eliminates itself to offer us MU, yet i have my own understanding. i would describe it thusly:
(M) = total supply of commodity
(MT -1) = rate of supply
(U) = final degree of utility (intensity)
(MUT -1) = quantity of pleasure (duration)
(MU) = quantity of total pleasure (total utility)
(shockingly, there appears to be no secondary resources online to clarify my own understanding. does no one actually read the primary sources for anything?)
following from this, jevons discusses more terms:
>actual, prospective, and potential utility.
he clarifies here:
<It will be apparent that potential utility does not really enter into the science of Economics, and when I speak of utility simply, I do not mean to include potential utility […] Only when there arises some degree of probability, however slight, that a particular object will be needed, does it acquire prospective utility, capable of rendering it a desirable possession
so then, what he previously described as propinquity is not mirrored onto potentiality. this seems to be contradictory, especially since savings themselves are only potential and therefore have no present actuality. to avoid contradiction, he would then have to render propinquity as a "prospective" or probable, utility. he gives more terms:
>We might also distinguish, as is customary with French economists, between direct and indirect utility. Direct utility attaches to a thing like food, which we can actually apply to satisfy our wants. But things which have no direct utility may be the means of procuring us such by exchange, and they may therefore be said to have indirect utility. To the latter form of utility I have elsewhere applied the name acquired utility.
if we are to interpret this correctly, a commodity can said to possess direct utility, while what purchases a direct utility is that which is an indirect/acquired utility. so money then is an acquired utility. by its term, it is then something useless in itself and so only useful as a means to an end. if this is to be interpreted correctly, jevons is saying that money has no value besides that which it can purchase. jevons finally speaks on propinquity/remoteness (anticipation) but does not factor it into any revision of economic understanding.
(3/4)
with chapter 4, jevons discusses exchange:
>It is impossible to have a correct idea of the science of Economics without a perfect comprehension of the Theory of Exchange; and I find it both possible and desirable to consider this subject before introducing any notions concerning labour or the production of commodities.
what concerns exchange is a concept of "value" as he concurs with j.s. mill. of this term however, he says that it is unclear what it must mean. of what the act of exchange implies however, is itself, not an attribute of values, but a circumstance by which values co-relate:
>Now, if there is any fact certain about exchange value, it is, that it means not an object at all, but a circumstance of an object […] Value implies, in fact, a relation; but if so, it cannot possibly be some other thing […] Value in exchange expresses nothing but a ratio, and the term should not be used in any other sense
this appears to be very similar to marx's consideration of value; it is not that value belongs to any object, but only that value is expressed between objects, as ratios. value then, as marx says, is immaterial in itself, since it is only a relation between objects, not itself an object.
after defining value thusly, he considers what has been previously understood as the value of commodities:
(1)Value in use; (use-value)
(2)Esteem, or urgency of desire;
(3)Ratio of exchange. (exchange-value)
jevons explains each term in relation to adam smith:
>Smith evidently means by value in use, the total utility of a substance of which the degree of utility has sunk very low […] By purchasing power he clearly means the ratio of exchange for other commodities […] Thus I am led to think that the word value is often used in reality to mean intensity of desire or esteem for a thing. A silver ornament is a beautiful object apart from all ideas of traffic; it may thus be valued or esteemed simply because it suits the taste and fancy of its owner, and is the only one possessed […] in this sense value seems to be identical with the final degree of utility of a commodity […] it is measured by the intensity of the pleasure or benefit which would be obtained from a new increment of the same commodity
of this independent quality of an item, he compares with its related factors however,
<No doubt there is a close connection between value in this meaning, and value as ratio of exchange. Nothing can have a high purchasing power unless it be highly esteemed in itself; but it may be highly esteemed apart from all comparison with other things; and, though highly esteemed, it may have a low purchasing power. because those things against which it is measured are still more esteemed.
thus, the esteem or desire we have for an object is never absolute, but only relative to what it compares against. gold is desired at a certain ratio above bread, and a lesser ratio above silver. this then, is jevons' theory of relative value, as the relativity of final degrees of utility. he then comes to ammend the old terminology:
<Thus I come to the conclusion that, in the use of the word value, three distinct meanings are habitually confused together, and require to be thus distinguished: (1) Value in use = total utility; (2) Esteem = final degree of utility; (3) Purchasing power = ratio of exchange.
so then, it is not as engels would have it, that use-value comes to define value in the marginalist worldview, but rather it is only the final degree of utility which orients what is relative in purchasing power between commodities. jevons seemingly does away with use-value (as total utility) in economic consideration and only focuses on the degree of utility, but which of itself is conditioned by rate of supply - but not only supply of itself, but the supply of other commodities.
of the ratio of exchange ("value"), jevons perceives its inherent equivalence between commodities in trade:
>There is no difficulty in seeing that, when we use the word Value in the sense of ratio of exchange, its dimension will be simply zero.
he demonstrates this by relating the different forms of value dimensionally:
>If we compare the commodities simply as physical quantities, we have the dimensions M divided by M, or MM-1, or M0. Exactly the same result would be obtained if, instead of taking the mere physical quantities, we were to compare their utilities, for we should then have MU divided by MU or M0U0, which, as it really means unity, is identical in meaning with M0.
so then, the quantities of separate commodities cancel each other out in exchange. he categorises things here:
(1) value in use = total utility = (MU)
(2) esteem, or desire = final degree of utility = (U)
(3) purchasing power = ratio of exchange = M0
this massively helps what was confused earlier.
(jevons places importance on what he terms "the law of indifference", which is only to say that a homogeneously composed stock of commodities can mutually replace itself and preserve its final degree of utility. it doesnt appear profound to me but jevons emphasises it.)
jevons now comes to define the law of exchange:
>The keystone of the whole Theory of Exchange, and of the principal problems of Economics, lies in this proposition—The ratio of exchange of any two commodities will be the reciprocal of the ratio of the final degrees of utility of the quantities of commodity available for consumption after the exchange is completed […] Both parties, then, rest in satisfaction and equilibrium, and the degrees of utility have come to their level, as it were […] This point of equilibrium will be known by the criterion, that an infinitely small amount of commodity exchanged in addition, at the same rate, will bring neither gain nor loss of utility. In other words, if increments of commodities be exchanged at the established ratio, their utilities will be equal for both parties. Thus, if ten pounds of corn were of exactly the same utility as one pound of beef, there would be neither harm nor good in further exchange at this ratio.
for demonstration he offers a diagram (fig. v) which illustrates the point perfectly (and also appears to still be in effect for modern economic demonstrations of consumer and producer surpluses). the diagram portrays 2 commodities equalising at different rates of their supply and demand, ideally meeting at their equilibrium point (M0), but what may be swayed either way by an aforementioned surplus (which we will later get to concerning jevons' theory of labour value).
after this, he comes to a theory of money's utility. it is a theory rather self-evident, that the poor will spend money on cheaper goods and the rich on more expensive goods. his point is rhetorically confused and this continues later in the book as we will see. what is at least intelligible in his ideas on money however is what he says about utility being determined from price:
>The price of a commodity is the only test we have of the utility of the commodity to the purchaser; and if we could tell exactly how much people reduce their consumption of each important article when the price rises, we could determine, at least approximately, the variation of the final degree of utility—the all-important element in Economics.
of course this is only extensive of the original confusion as to the capacity of the final degree of utility per good of a certain purchasing power, and what may be possible at a higher gradient of income. i suppose this is where jevons may depend upon the remoteness of a potential utility while at once speaking against its economic inconsideration. but as i say, there will be time to be more critical of his perspectives of inequality.
now, jevons speaks upon the value of labour:
>A great undertaking like the Great Western Railway, or the Thames Tunnel, may embody a vast amount of labour, but its value depends entirely upon the number of persons who find it useful. If no use could be found for the Great Eastern steamship, its value would be nil, except for the utility of some of its materials.
here it is as ricardo puts it, and jevons quotes ricardo in the same regard, that an article of production lacking value in use at once lacks a value in exchange. jevons advances and sees the indirect cause of value as from labour in many cases with exceeding lucidity:
<But though labour is never the cause of value, it is in a large proportion of cases the determining circumstance, and in the following way:—Value depends solely on the final degree of utility. How can we vary this degree of utility?—By having more or less of the commodity to consume. And how shall we get more or less of it?—By spending more or less labour in obtaining a supply. According to this view, then, there are two steps between labour and value. Labour affects supply, and supply affects the degree of utility, which governs value, or the ratio of exchange. In order that there may be no possible mistake about this all-important series of relations. I will re-state it in a tabular form, as follows: Cost of production determines supply. Supply determines final degree of utility. Final degree of utility determines value.
here then is a causal chain: (1) costs determine supply, (2) supply determines final degree of utility and (3) final degree of utility determines value. its without exaggeration then that we can say that jevons sees labour as the "first cause" of value in many cases, which directly mirrors marx's comments upon social necessity being dependent upon social usefulness.
(4/4)
in chapter 5, jevons continues:
>labour is the beginning of the processes treated by economists, as consumption is the end and purpose.he explains his concept of labour here:
<Labour is the painful exertion which we undergo to ward off pains of greater amount, or to procure pleasures which leave a balance in our favour.this language becomes important to consider. either man will seek to benefit from exertion at a surplus or will seek to equate his exertion with reward. he theoretically defines labour here:
>Labour, I should say, is any painful exertion of mind or body undergone partly or wholly with a view to future good […] amount of labour will be a quantity of two dimensions, the product of intensity and time when the intensity is uniform, or the sum represented by the area of a curve when the intensity is variable […] we may say that there are three quantities involved in the theory of labour—the amount of painful exertion, the amount of produce, and the amount of utility gained.from this elementary sketch, we can see labour as a negative quantity, which as pain, represents disutility, but from its exertion, produces utilities to balance it. now comes famous (fig. viii) which represents the working day as a calculus of varying utility. the gradient between excess pleasure and pain seek to give equivalence to the task and its output, but also the possibility of a surplus for the worker himself (what jevons describes at the beginning of the chapter as warding off pain of a "greater amount" of what is necessary). the variables of the diagram are as follows:
[ox] = the quantity of produce created by labour
[pq] = the degree of utility of the produce
[abcd] = the exertion of labour over time
[bc] = excess pleasure [necessary labour]
[cd] = excess pain [surplus labour]
[m] = balance between utility and exertion [qm=dm]
[m] = rate of wages based on marginal productivity
reading the diagram, we can see that theoretically, wages for the worker (his output relative to duration, or marginal product) would be higher and so he should be paid more per his total product. this indirectly proves also that the longer a man works, the more he will produce, but the less he will receive for it - his loss then must become the gain of someone else, namely his employer, which of course, is an empirical fact. jevons actually concurs with this and states that a greater marginal product by a lower working day produces higher wages for workers. this is very important stuff. jevons makes more comments on this topic here:
>A man must be regarded as earning all through his hours of labour an excess of utility; what he produces must be considered not merely the exact equivalent of the labour he gives for it, for it would be, in that case, a matter of indifference whether he laboured or not. As long as he gains, he labours, and when he ceases to gain, he ceases to labour […] If a man works regularly twelve hours a day, he will produce more commodity than in ten hours; therefore the final degree of utility of his commodity, whether he consume it himself or whether he exchange it, will not be quite so high as when he produced less […] Thus, the last two hours of work in the day generally gives less reward, both because less produce is then created in proportion to the time spent, and because that produce is less necessary and useful to one who makes enough to support himself in the other ten hours […] Evidence to the like effect is found in the general tendency to reduce the hours of labour at the present day, owing to the improved real wages now enjoyed by those employed in mills and factories.this is really, really important stuff which it appears only i have discovered from jevons' text, which is a shame.
final comments to look at from this chapter include this:
>A man of lower race, a negro for instance, enjoys possession less, and loathes labour more; his exertions, therefore, soon stop. A poor savage would be content to gather the almost gratuitous fruits of nature, if they were sufficient to give sustenance; it is only physical want which drives him to exertion.here, jevons is partly contradictory, since he is only seeing one dimension of the disutility of labour in effect rather than two. for example, as he says, to increase marginal product by means of substituting intensity for duration means higher wages and thus a higher means of purchase for less time. this accounts for a full expenditure of labour at one time, but may also mean the spectre of laziness as the desire to end work quickly. here, aversion to labour is not merely laziness, but efficiency, and so the desire to work less does not mean the desire to work for less - indeed, less duration and intensity grants its own (lack) of reward, but duration and intensity must be related as inverse quantities.
a final comment from this chapter is this:
>It may tend to give the reader confidence in the preceding theories when he finds that they lead directly to the well-known law, as stated in the ordinary language of economists, that value is proportional to the cost of production. As I prefer to state the same law, it is to the effect that the ratio of exchange of commodities will conform in the long run to the ratio of productiveness, which is the reciprocal of the ratio of the costs of production […] we have proved that commodities will exchange in any market in the ratio of the quantities produced by the same quantity of labour. But as the increment of labour considered is always the final one, our equation also expresses the truth, that articles will exchange in quantities inversely as the costs of production of the most costly portions, i.e. the last portions added.jevons then sees general validity to the cost of production theory of exchange-value, but only where the final degree of utility can be proportional to its costs. concluding on this, he says:
>We may state the matter more briefly in the following words:—The quantities of commodity given or received in exchange are directly proportional to the degrees of productiveness of labour applied to their production, and inversely proportional to the values and prices of those commodities and to their costs of production per unit, as well as to their final degrees of utility. I will even repeat the same statements once more in the form of a diagram— Quantities of Commodity exchanged vary directly as the quantities inversely as their produced by the same labour. (1) Values. (2) Prices. (3) Costs of production. (4) Final degrees of utility. … as for the rest of the book, the marginal utility of my writing is accumulating its descension, so i'll sum up with jevons' comments on the falling rate of profit (chapter 7):
>It is one of the favourite doctrines of economists since the time of Adam Smith, that as society progresses and capital accumulates, the rate of profit, or more strictly speaking, the rate of interest, tends to fall. The rate will always ultimately sink so low, they think, that the inducements to further accumulation will cease. This doctrine is in striking agreement with the result of the somewhat abstract analytical investigation given above. Our formula for the rate of interest shows that unless there be constant progress in the arts, the rate must tend to sink towards zero, supposing accumulation of capital to go on. There are sufficient statistical facts, too, to confirm this conclusion historically. The only question that can arise is as to the actual cause of this tendency.he prefixtures the general correctness of its concept, due to the rate of capital interest (cost of repairs) declining with increased investment of capital. i speak more conclusively on this here:
>>2498402stop botting around and tell when the next crisis occurs and how to profit from it
the jevonian theory of wealth inequality is based in the inequality of marginal utilities. basically, what is common to production is cheaper and is consequently bought by the poor, while what is more expensive is rarer and so is bought by the rich. the more that luxury pervades society, the more inequality there will be, while the more homogenous that production becomes, the more equal people will be forced to become based on what is able to be consumed. this then explains why communist central planners have no composite theory of luxury in a postcapitalist society, since luxury depends on what jevons calls "propinquity" in saving money (which increases its indirect or acquired utility). without money, there is no saving mechanism and so the indirect utility of propinquity cannot be granted. in austrian terms, a communist society is a society of high time-preference, or spending over saving, thus.
what is curiously absent from jevons' work is what is present in later ammendments to marginal utility theory; the so-called "law of diminishing marginal utility" (picrel). in this, either production or consumption dont simply limit utility but create disutility as a factor. jevons says that he invents the term "disutility" but only reserves it for 2 negative magnitudes; the decline of pleasure per final degree of utility (MUT -1), or "time" in regard to consumption, and he explicitly uses "disutility" to describe the exertion of labour (which he defines as "pain" in two dimensions, between intensity and duration). the only presence of a negative quantity is in the graph for labour, but which is also equalised by its marginal product. jevons insists that labour cannot exert itself beyond this result and so will either gain a surplus (M+) or equality (M0). jevons also often describes total utility as "infinite", since in his diagrams, consumption can lessen utility but never erase or reverse its effects (since like in the example of labour, he is presuming rationality). what we see then in later graphs (picrel) is a repudiation of this positivism however, and so we get the introduction of negativity (irrationality) in the fields of production and consumption. what jevons perceives is what concerns (m), and speaks of (M+), but never of (M-). it is quite obvious for example that one may eat too much food or drink too much drink. so then, the total utility of a good must incrimentally decline at the margin of its disutility, which is intuitive in the diagram. jevons fails this, but another thinker succeeds, namely, marx. marx perceives the natural possibility of overproduction for example, and so the decline of value of goods in store, or what in monetary terms, is a loss for the producer by the loss of sale of commodity. this is why all production must be regulated by the margins of what marx refers to as "social necessity" or "social usefulness". what isnt necessary or useful thus incurs disutility for its producer, since it has cost them labour which has no equation to its own commodity. here's what marx writes about it:
>For this, it is necessary that the labour expended upon it, be of a kind that is socially useful, of a kind that constitutes a branch of the social division of labour.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htm<To-day the product satisfies a social want. Tomorrow the article may, either altogether or partially, be superseded by some other appropriate product […] If the community’s want of linen, and such a want has a limit like every other want, should already be saturated by the products of rival weavers, our friend’s product is superfluous, redundant, and consequently useless […] The labour-time that yesterday was without doubt socially necessary to the production of a yard of linen, ceases to be so to-day […] suppose that every piece of linen in the market contains no more labour-time than is socially necessary. In spite of this, all these pieces taken as a whole, may have had superfluous labour-time spent upon them […] The effect is the same as if each individual weaver had expended more labour-time upon his particular product than is socially necessary […] All the linen in the market counts but as one article of commerce, of which each piece is only an aliquot part. And as a matter of fact, the value also of each single yard is but the materialised form of the same definite and socially fixed quantity of homogeneous human labour.https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch03.htmmarx indirectly helps jevons complete his own theory therefore
jevons does comment on overproduction but only slightly. he makes no special place for it since to him, commodities equate at their marginal utilities and it would be contradictory to insist that a person would be motivated by inducing disutility (pain/loss) due to his axiom that men operate by the drive for pleasure. i would say that early 20th century fields like psychoanalysis allow us to better theorise the relation of human activity and self-sabotage.
as i have posted before, todd mcgowan conceives of commodities as possessing negative value. he uses the term "inutility" (uselessness) rather than "disutility" (harmfulness) however. an "increase" in inutility seems contradictory in itself, since 0 has no function to be multiplied, while negative quantities may accumulate. he has spoken more properly in other places though, taking freud's concept of death drive as a drive to disutility (hence, food tastes better when its worse for us). there is also a subject/object split in this conception as we see. desire in any case cannot be rational, as jevons presumes, since we may desire things which we even find displeasurable. this is also the same distance between what mediates commodities in exchange (desire) and its actual consumption (utility). jevons hardly makes a distinction, so confuses methodology. is marginal utility measuring what is positively consumed or exchanged for, or is it simply measuring effective demand? in any case, the utilitarian axiom is ineffecient to base economics on. so then, in hegelian style, we must introduce negativity to complete the concept.
carl menger (1871) on the LTV (principles of economics, chapter 3, section 3):
https://mises.org/library/book/principles-economics>Among the most egregious of the fundamental errors that have had the most far-reaching consequences in the previous development of our science is the argument that goods attain value for us because goods were employed in their production that had value to us. Later, when I come to the discussion of the prices of goods of higher order, I shall show the specific causes that were responsible for this error and for its becoming the foundation of the accepted theory of prices (in a form hedged about with all sorts of special provisions, of course). Here I want to state, above all, that this argument is so strictly opposed to all experience that it would have to be rejected even if it provided a formally correct solution to the problem of establishing a principle explaining the value of goods. But even this last purpose cannot be achieved by the argument in question, since it offers an explanation only for the value of goods we may designate as “products” but not for the value of all other goods, which appear as original factors of production. It does not explain the value of goods directly provided by nature, especially the services of land. It does not explain the value of labor services. Nor does it even, as we shall see later, explain the value of the services of capital. For the value of all these goods can-not be explained by the argument that goods derive their value from the value of the goods expended in their production. Indeed, it makes their value completely incomprehensible.he supplements this by explaining that production only attains a value prospectively of the value of the future product sold (rather than retroactively, as in the case of marx's "social necessity"). in menger's notion then, value is completed by what is teleological and so pre-determined. the contradiction here is that this assogns a value to what is only potential of purchase, rather than in marx's case, where the contingency of a present purpose actualises what was potential of value in production. we may read menger's continuation:
>there is no necessary connection between the value of goods of lower or first order in the present and the value of currently available goods of higher order serving for the production of such goods. On the contrary, it is evident that the former derive their value from the relationship between requirements and avail-able quantities in the present, while the latter derive their value from the prospective relationship between the requirements and the quantities that will be available at the future points in time when the products created by means of the goods of higher order will become available. If the prospective future value of a good of lower order rises, other things remaining equal, the value of the goods of higher order whose possession assures us future com-mand of the good of lower order rises also. But the rise or fall of the value of a good of lower order available in the present has no necessary causal connection with the rise or fall of the value of currently available corresponding goods of higher order. Hence the principle that the value of goods of higher order is governed, not by the value of corresponding goods of lower order of the present, but rather by the prospective value of the product, is the universally valid principle of the determination of the value of goods of higher order.he makes sense that the only purpose commodity production has is to grant us a greater value in a final product, but to say that what is without final sale is without subsequent value is false, since the labour and instruments used in production are still paid for. menger fails to see this very basic intermediation where rates of price are set according to costs of production. i would say then that since value has been sufficiently assigned to the lower (basic) orders of commodity, they transfer their particular values into the final product, rather axiomatically. to take commodities singularly of their costs is to be lost in methodological confusion. it is true that the use-value of (A) is different from (X, Y, Z), yet the exchange-value (equilibrium price) of (A) = (X + Y + Z), hence quality and quantity in the commodity. so then, what is prospective is still cumulative.
andrew kliman; he looks awful, he sounds awful, and he's an awful expositor of marxism. here, "tjump" asks the most rudimentary question of all: "why cant machines create value?" and kliman suttters and stammers his way through nonsense (as per usual).
tjump's entirely reasonable assertion that machinery engages in labour is denied by kliman, but tjump already possesses the spirit of marx without reading him, since marx specifically designates machines as "dead labour" whose value is fixed by the price conserved within it. capital is characterised by marx as objectifying the worker; abstracting him to simply be an extension of its mechanical limbs. there is no qualitative difference between man and machine in production, except that a machine may be even better than man at performing certain functions (hence the automation of labour).
so then, both men and machines labour, but simply at different capacities. machines produce commodities at a greater rate than men and therefore increase the number of goods in a market. this raises supply, which decreases demand per product. this leads to lower prices, which totally, equals the value of the machine. this is the most straightforward understanding of it. machines do more work for cheaper, leading to more commodities for cheaper. the issue is then twofold; more machines mean more unemployment, paired with lower prices not being able to make suitable profits. so, machines do not produce values in exchange (prices) above their own cost, but only transfer what they already possess; increasing the intensity of labour inverse to duration (SNLT). what then makes men unique? only the wage, which is a cost cheaper than what is totally produced by labour-power. consequently, according to marx, human slaves do not produce exchange-values above their cost, but simply are a form of fixed capital, like animals or machines in the character of their labour. profit as surplus value rather than as surplus production then comes at the advent of generalised wage labour. there is nothing unique about men then, except that they are the consumers of the competitive social product; to marx, there is no value outside of commodity exchange.
tjump also makes the inference that more production means more value, not less. he is certainly correct in a particular way. what remains constant in commodities is their use-value, while exchange-values are variable. increased production means a surplus of social utility (yet, more production means a lesser marginal utility). so tjump is right in everything he's saying, by just being a random guy thinking about the issue, while kliman is not just being an obscurantist, but is actively deceptive.
(1/5)
summarising and reviewing carl menger's "principles of economics" (1871). this is the founding text of austrian economics and one of the founding texts of marginal utility theory. starting with chapter 1:
>Things that can be placed in a causal connection with the satisfaction of human needs we term useful things. [Nützlichkeiten]
this term is also what marx uses to describe "utilities".
>If, however, we both recognize this causal connection, and have the power actually to direct the useful things to the satisfaction of our needs, we call them goods.
so a utility *becomes* a good if it can be possessed. we may then present items of produce modally. there are items with potential means of satisfaction (utilities) and actual means of satisfaction (goods). lets continue:
>If a thing is to become a good, or in other words, if it is to acquire goods-character , all four of the following prerequisites must be simultaneously present: (1) A human need. (2) Such properties as render the thing capable of being brought into a causal connection with the satisfaction of this need. (3) Human knowledge of this causal connection. (4) Command of the thing sufficient to direct it to the satisfaction of the need.
"goods-character" [Güterqualität] is also interchanged with "commodity-character" [Waarencharakter] by menger, so can be seen as conferring the same meaning. from the 4 conditions of commodities, we can define goods generally, as "useful objects which are capable of being possessed as a means of satisfaction". menger states that if there is variation of the 4 attributes, then the good loses its character. menger offers odd constrictions upon what may qualify something as a good:
>Among things of the first class are most cosmetics, all charms, the majority of medicines administered to the sick by peoples of early civilizations and by primitives even today, divining rods, love potions, etc. For all these things are incapable of actually satisfying the needs they are supposed to serve. Among things of the second class are medicines for diseases that do not actually exist, the implements, statues, buildings, etc., used by pagan people for the worship of idols, instruments of torture, and the like. Such things, therefore, as derive their goods-character merely from properties they are imagined to possess or from needs merely imagined by men may appropriately be called imaginary goods.
so then, there are real goods and imaginary goods:
>As a people attains higher levels of civilization, and as men penetrate more deeply into the true constitution of things and of their own nature, the number of true goods becomes constantly larger, and as can easily be understood, the number of imaginary goods becomes progressively smaller.
so progress to menger is in the greater causality between production and consumption by the relations of men to true goods. this rationalises production to real ends of satisfying needs. in the first place then, we see that menger does not conceive of anything "subjective" in his evaluation, but only what is causally efficient.
in the next section he says this:
>The thought developed in this section may be summarized in the proposition that it is not a requirement of the goods-character of a thing that it be capable of being placed in direct causal connection with the satisfaction of human needs. It has been shown that goods having an indirect causal relationship with the satisfaction of human needs differ in the closeness of this relationship. But it has also been shown that this difference does not affect the essence of goods-character in any way. In this connection, a distinction was made between goods of first, second, third, fourth, and higher orders.
so then, what is causal may not be merely directly related, but may nonetheless conserve usefulness by indirection. of goods (or commodities) then, we may speak of direct and indirect uses and correspondingly, the order of their useful effects by gradients of distance. following from this, he devises relative laws of goods:
>A. The goods-character of goods of higher order is dependent on command of corresponding
>B. The goods-character of goods of higher order is derived from that of the corresponding goods of lower order.
so he perceives a causal chain of usefulness in goods.
next, he considers temporality between production and consumption between lower and higher goods:
>After what has been said, it is evident that command of goods of higher order and command of the corresponding goods of first order differ, with respect to a particular kind of consumption, in that the latter can be consumed immediately whereas the former represent an earlier stage in the formation of consumption goods and hence can be utilized for direct consumption only after the passage of an appreciable period of time, which is longer or shorter according to the nature of the case. But another exceedingly important difference between immediate command of a consumption good and indirect command of it (through possession of goods of higher order) demands our consideration.
upon this consideration of the alienation between producers and consumers, menger makes more odd comments:
>Human uncertainty about the quantity and quality of the product (corresponding goods of first order) of the whole causal process is greater the larger the num-ber of elements involved in any way in the production of con-sumption goods which we either do not understand or over which, even understanding them, we have no control—that is, the larger the number of elements that do not have goods-character. This uncertainty is one of the most important factors in the economic uncertainty of men, and, as we shall see in what follows, is of the greatest practical significance in human economy.
he appears to imply that without the adequate knowledge of a good which is sold, we lose causal connection to its process and so the thing itself loses its condition as a viable commodity; we may perhaps say otherwise that it takes on imaginary or unreal attributes in the process of exchange, and so the distance between buyer and seller creates exploitation. there is certain truth in this, but i would say that the risk of any market without regulation is the risk of being sold something illegitimate, or even to be sold a legitimate item at an illegitimate price. this passage is interesting nonetheless and it reminds me of what aldous huxley writes in "brave new world" concerning the alienation of scientific knowledge in the scheme of mass production.
at the end of chapter 1, we have established many things, but lets list them. a good is an actualised utility, which is an object used to satisfy human needs. there are true goods and imaginary goods. of true goods, there are direct and indirect uses attached to them, where a direct good of a lower order depends on the elements of indirect, higher orders of utilities. a direct good we define temporally, as something immediately consumable, while an indirect good is something consumable through the process of production of refinement. finally, the distance between the quality and quantity of indirect goods to their final product is a medium of knowledge which may create alienation to consumers and thus make what is deemed to be a true good imaginary, or at least marginally unreal in its effects. i feel that this is a good way to systematise the initial meaning of menger's economic science.
chapter 2 begins with this:
>Needs arise from our drives and the drives are imbedded in our nature. An imperfect satisfaction of needs leads to the stunting of our nature. Failure to satisfy them brings about our destruction. But to satisfy our needs is to live and prosper. Thus the attempt to provide for the satisfaction of our needs is synonymous with the attempt to provide for our lives and well-being. It is the most important of all human endeavors, since it is the prerequisite and foundation of all others […] The quantities of consumption goods a person must have to satisfy his needs may be termed his requirements.
here again, he is basing the goodness of something in an objective or causal context, and natural need [satisfaction] is quantified as requirement [demand]:
>The concern of men for the satisfaction of theirs needs thus becomes an attempt to provide in advance for meeting their requirements [bedarf] in the future, and we shall therefore call a person’s requirements those quantities of goods that are necessary to satisfy his needs within the time period covered by his plans.
here, menger is temporalising satisfaction once more. he continues:
>There are two kinds of knowledge that men must possess as a prerequisite for any successful attempt to provide in advance for the satisfaction of their needs. They must become clear: (a) about their requirements—that is, about the quantities of goods they will need to satisfy their needs during the time period over which their plans extend, and (b) about the quantities of goods at their disposal for the purpose of meeting these requirements.
so again, menger appears to place sufficient knowledge as a prerequisite for the satisfaction of need, since what is insufficient in knowledge may apply an insufficiency in satisfaction.
for the next section, he gives 3 economic relations:
>A. Requirements for goods of first order (consumption goods).
<Human beings experience directly and immediately only needs for goods of first order—that is, for goods that can be used directly for the satisfaction of their needs
>B. Requirements for goods of higher order (means of production).
<We can bring quantities of goods of higher order to the production of given quantities of goods of lower order, and thus finally to the meeting of our requirements, only if we are in the position of having the complementary quantities of the other goods of higher order simultaneously at our disposal.
>C. The time limits within which human needs are felt.
and provides details for each of them
<Human requirements for goods of higher order, like those for goods of lower order, are not only magnitudes that are quantitatively determined in strict accordance with definite laws, and that can be estimated beforehand by men where a practical necessity exists, but they are magnitudes also which, within certain time limits, men do calculate with an exactness sufficient for their practical affairs.
after this, menger establishes the categories of human economic affairs and their manner of relation:
>A. Economic goods.
<The first effects of this insight upon the activity of men intent to satisfy their needs as completely as possible are that they strive: (1) to maintain at their disposal every unit of a good standing in this quantitative relationship, and (2) to conserve its useful properties […] (3) to make a choice between their more important needs, which they will satisfy with the available quantity of the good in question, and needs that they must leave unsatisfied, and (4) to obtain the greatest possible result with a given quantity of the good or a given result with the smallest possible quantity […] The complex of human activities directed to these four objectives is called economizing, and goods standing in the quantitative relationship involved in the preceding discussion are the exclusive objects of it […] Property, therefore, like human economy, is not an arbitrary invention but rather the only practically possi-ble solution of the problem that is, in the nature of things, imposed upon us by the disparity between requirements for, and available quantities of, all economic goods.
>B. Non-economic goods.
<As a result [of a surplus of resources over necessity], economizing men are under no practical necessity of either preserving every unit of such goods at their command or conserving its useful properties […] It is clear, accordingly, that all the various forms in which human economic activity expresses itself are absent in the case of goods whose available quantities are larger than the requirements for them, just as naturally as they will necessarily be present in the case of goods subject to the opposite quantitative relationship. Hence they are not objects of human economy, and for this reason we call them non-economic goods […] we can actually observe a picture of communism with respect to all goods standing in the relationship causing non-economic character; for men are communists when-ever possible under existing natural conditions. In towns situated on rivers with more water than is wanted by the inhabitants for the sat-isfaction of their needs, everyone goes to the river to draw any desired quantity of water. In virgin forests, everyone fetches unhin-dered the quantity of timber he needs. And everyone admits as much light and air into his house as he thinks proper. This communism is as naturally founded upon a non-economic relationship as property is founded upon one that is economic.
>C. The relationship between economic and non-economic goods.
<According to our analysis, there can be only two kinds of reasons why a non-economic good becomes an economic good: an increase in human requirements or a diminution of the available quantity. The chief causes of an increase in requirements are: (1) growth of population, especially if it occurs in a limited area, (2) growth of human needs, as the result of which the requirements of any given population increase, and (3) advances in the knowledge men have of the causal connection between things and their welfare, as the result of which new useful purposes for goods arise. I need hardly point out that all these phenomena accompany the transition of mankind from lower to higher levels of civiliza-tion. From this it follows, as a natural consequence, that with advancing civilization non-economic goods show a tendency to take on economic character, chiefly because one of the factors involved is the magnitude of human requirements, which increase with the progressive development of civilization.
>D. The laws governing the economic character of goods.
<From this we derive the general principle that the economic character of goods of higher order depends upon the economic character of the goods of lower order for whose production they serve. In other words, no good of higher order can attain economic character or maintain it unless it is suitable for the production of some economic good of lower order […] But with these goods, as with goods of first order, they find that some are available in quantities exceeding their requirements while the opposite relationship pre-vails with others. Hence they divide goods of higher order also into one group that they include in the sphere of their economic activity, and another group that they do not feel any practical necessity to treat in this way. This is the origin of the economic character of goods of higher order.
(i will summarise these points at the end of the chapter)
next we get further categories of understanding
>Earlier we called “the entire sum of goods at a person’s command” his property. The entire sum of economic goods at an economizing individual’s command we will, on the other hand, call his wealth.
property then, when economised, becomes wealth - despite menger already claiming that property is an inherently economic category due to resource scarcity…
<The non-economic goods at an economizing individual’s command are not objects of his economy, and hence must not be regarded as parts of his wealth. We saw that economic goods are goods whose available quantities are smaller than the requirements for them. Wealth can therefore also be defined as the entire sum of goods at an economizing individual’s command, the quantities of which are smaller than the requirements for them. Hence, if there were a society where all goods were available in amounts exceeding the requirements for them, there would be no economic goods nor any “wealth.” Although wealth is thus a measure of the degree of completeness with which one person can satisfy his needs in comparison with other persons who engage in economic activity under the same conditions, it is never an absolute measure of his welfare, or the highest welfare of all individuals and of society would be attained if the quantities of goods at the disposal of society were so large that no one would be in need of wealth.
so then, wealth is a relative term, which measures the welfare of individuals, and without scarcity, there would only be welfare and there would be no wealth. but would there be property, if property is not also wealth…? menger doesnt say.
to summarise chapter 2 then, we see menger's first condition of economy as scarcity (or a lower quantity of produced goods than that which satisfy the needs of everybody in a population). this scarcity leads to the rationalisation of distribution by different properties. the economic state develops from the non-economic by the graduation of lower civilisation to higher stages (by the division of labour and rising populations). the economic (scarcity) is then a consequence of social advancement. the measure of economic goods one has relative to satisfaction we call wealth, which has the end of welfare. once welfare is established, wealth loses its meaning therefore (here we see originary marginalism).
(2/5)
chapter 3 is about the concept of value:
>If economizing men become aware of this circumstance (that is, if they perceive that the satisfaction of one of their needs, or the greater or less completeness of its satisfaction, is dependent on their command of each portion of a quantity of goods or on each individual good subject to the above quantitative relationship) these goods attain for them the significance we call value. Value is thus the importance that individual goods or quantities of goods attain for us because we are conscious of being dependent on command of them for the satisfaction of our needs. The value of goods, accordingly, is a phenomenon that springs from the same source as the economic character of goods—that is, from the relationship, explained earlier, between requirements for and available quantities of goods.here, value and wealth appear simultaneous, as means to an end of particular satisfaction, since if we possessed total satisfaction, now and later, we would have no need for present and future goods, and so no goods could possess a value for us. thus as menger says, value is a condition of economic relations:
<From this, it is also clear why only economic goods have value to us, while goods subject to the quantitative relationship responsible for non-economic character cannot attain value at all.to put it in marginal terms, the value of a good declines in relation to the rate of its consumption, since its economic (scarce) character as a good loses utility. he speaks of the difference between utility, value here:
>For this reason the former [non-economic goods] possesses utility, but only the latter [economic goods], in addition to utility, possesses also that significance for us that we call value. Of course the error underlying the confusion of utility and use value has had no influence on the practical activity of men. At no time has an economizing individual attributed value under ordi-nary circumstances to a cubic foot of air or, in regions abounding in springs, to a pint of water. The practical man distinguishes very well the capacity of an object to satisfy one of his needs from its value.menger then appears to (rightfully) disconsider "utility" as a "use-value" proper, since something can be useful without it being valuable (since use-value obviously denotes a "value in use" grammatically, and etymologically, as we read in smith). this is an error similarly made by marx - as i have previously pointed out:
>>2489515while in menger's footnote, he cites proudhon as conflating utility and use-value as categories; one is generally applicable, while one is strictly economic. utility then (as menger says in chapter one) precedes the quality of something as a good, since a good may also take the shape of a commodity. i find menger extremely proper in his distinction here therefore.
next, menger speaks on what value is and isnt:
>Regarding this knowledge, however, men can be in error about the value of goods just as they can be in error with respect to all other objects of human knowledge. Hence they may attribute value to things that do not, according to economic considerations, possess it in reality, if they mistakenly assume that the more or less complete satisfaction of their needs depends on a good, or quantity of goods, when this relationship is really non-existent. In cases of this sort we observe the phenomenon of imaginary value.here we see a return of the term "imaginary value" and in this context, menger appears to imply again, that value is not subjective, but is objective, and so may accordingly be misrecognised of a commodity. this is rather similar to marx's estimation, that a good may take the form of a commodity without it as such *being* a commodity, and so possessing imaginary value. in the same way to menger, if one sold a drink with the promise of health, yet it made one sick, then the value of this commodity would be "imaginary" regardless of whatever it may trade for. menger like marx then see value normatively as a particular quality of an object. menger penetrates this relativity of value:
>The value of goods arises from their relationship to our needs, and is not inherent in the goods themselves. With changes in this relationship, value arises and disappears. For the inhabitants of an oasis, who have command of a spring that abundantly meets their requirements for water, a certain quantity of water at the spring itself will have no value. But if the spring, as the result of an earth-quake, should suddenly decrease its yield of water to such an extent that the satisfaction of the needs of the inhabitants of the oasis would no longer be fully provided for, each of their concrete needs for water would become dependent upon the availability of a definite quantity of it, and such a quantity would immediately attain value for each inhabitant. This value would, however, sud-denly disappear if the old relationship were reestablished and the spring regained its former yield of water.here, value is then not an unconditional aspect of something, but is conditional upon its economic factors. if its factors change in relation to us, then so does its value (menger still fails to claim that exchange is the constitutive act of measuring value, so value here does not yet possess formal separation from "utility"):
<Value is thus nothing inherent in goods, no property of them, nor an independent thing existing by itself. It is a judgment econ-omizing men make about the importance of the goods at their dis-posal for the maintenance of their lives and well-being. Hence value does not exist outside the consciousness of men […] Objectification of the value of goods, which is entirely subjective in nature, has nevertheless contributed very greatly to confusion about the basic principles of our science.here, the qualification of value as subjective first makes its claim.
in the next section, menger explores what differentiates the magnitude of value of different commodities:
>the differences we observe in the magnitude of value of different goods in actual life can only be founded on differences in the magnitude of importance of the satisfactions that depend on our command of these goods.the satiation of a particular satisfaction thus renders the value of a subsequent good for the same task as proportionally valueless. if i eat food, i become full - the same food loses value at the same rate of consumption. he separates between two factors of consideration:
>We must investigate: (1) to what extent different satisfactions have different degrees of importance to us (subjective factor), and (2) which satisfactions of concrete needs depend, in each individual case, on our command of a particular good (objective factor) […] For we shall have reduced the economic phenomenon whose explanation we stated to be the central problem of this investigation to its ulti-mate causes. I mean differences in the magnitude of value of goods.he now details four areas of consideration:
>A. Differences in the magnitude of importance of different satisfactions (subjective factor).<these differences in the importance of different satisfactions can be observed not only with the satisfaction of needs of different kinds but also with the more or less complete satisfaction of one and the same need […] I shall designate the importance of satisfactions on which life depends with 10, and the smaller importance of the other satisfac-tions successively with 9, 8, 7, 6, etc. In this way we obtain a scale of the importance of different satisfactions that begins with 10 and ends with 1 […] For satisfactions on which, up to a certain point, our lives depend, and on which, beyond this point, a well-being is dependent that steadily decreases with the degree of completeness of the satisfaction already achieved, we obtain a scale that begins with 10 and ends with 0. Similarly, for satisfactions whose highest importance is 9, we obtain a scale that begins with this figure and also ends with 0, and so on […] By this reference to an ordinary phenomenon of life, I believe I have clarified satisfactorily the meaning of the numbers in the table, which were chosen merely to facilitate demonstration of a difficult and previously unexplored field of psychology. The varying importance that satisfaction of separate concrete needs has for men is not foreign to the consciousness of any econ-omizing man, however little attention has hitherto been paid by scholars to the phenomena here treated.>B. The dependence of separate satisfactions on particular goods (objective factor).<Suppose that an individual needs 10 discrete units (or 10 meas-ures) of a good for the full satisfaction of all his needs for that good, that these needs vary in importance from 10 to 1, but that he has only 7 units (or only 7 measures) of the good at his command.From what has been said about the nature of human economy it is directly evident that this individual will satisfy only those of his needs for the good that range in importance from 10 to 4 with the quantity at his command (7 units), and that the other needs, rang-ing in importance from 3 to 1, will remain unsatisfied. What is the value to the economizing individual in question of one of his 7 units (or measures) in this case? According to what we have learned about the nature of the value of goods, this question is equivalent to the question: what is the importance of the satisfac-tions that would be unattained if the individual concerned were to have only 6 instead of 7 units (or measures) at his command. If some accident were to deprive him of one of his seven goods (or measures), it is clear that the person in question would use the remaining 6 units to satisfy the more important needs and would neglect the least important one. Hence the result of losing one good (or one measure) would be that only the least of all the satis-factions assured by the whole available quantity of seven units (i.e., the satisfaction whose importance was designated as 4) would be lost, while those satisfactions (or acts of satisfying needs) whose importance ranges from 10 to 5 would take place as before […] If we summarize what has been said, we obtain the following principles as the result of our investigation thus far: (1) The importance that goods have for us and which we call value is merely imputed. Basically, only satisfactions have importance for us, because the maintenance of our lives and well-being depend on them. But we logically impute this importance to the goods on whose availability we are con-scious of being dependent for these satisfactions. (2) The magnitudes of importance that different satisfactions of concrete needs (the separate acts of satisfaction that can be realized by means of individual goods) have for us are unequal, and their measure lies in the degree of their importance for the maintenance of our lives and welfare. (3) The magnitudes of the importance of our satisfactions that are imputed to goods—that is, the magnitudes of their val-ues—are therefore also unequal, and their measure lies in the degree of importance that the satisfactions dependent on the goods in question have for us. (4) In each particular case, of all the satisfactions assured by the whole available quantity of a good, only those that have the least importance to an economizing individual are depend-ent on command of a given portion of the whole quantity. (5) The value of a particular good or of a given portion of the whole quantity of a good at the disposal of an economizing individual is thus for him equal to the importance of the least important of the satisfactions assured by the whole available quantity and achieved with any equal portion. For it is with respect to these least important satisfactions that the economizing individual concerned is dependent on the availability of the particular good, or given quantity of a good […] Thus, in our investigation to this point, we have traced the dif-ferences in the value of goods back to their ultimate causes, and have also, at the same time, found the ultimate, and original, meas-ure by which the values of all goods are judged by men […] All this holds only for the ordinary circumstances of life, when drinking water is available to us in copious quantities and gold and diamonds in very small quantities. In the desert, however, where the life of a traveller is often dependent on a drink of water, it can by all means be imagined that more important satisfactions depend, for an individual, on a pound of water than on even a pound of gold.
>C. The influence of differences in the quality of goods on their value<If the differences, as to type or kind, between two goods are to be responsible for differences in their value, it is necessary that they also have different capacities to satisfy human needs. In other words, it is necessary that they have what we call, from an economic point of view, differences in quality […] Human needs may be satis-fied either in a quantitatively or in a qualitatively different manner by means of equal quantities of qualitatively different goods.>D. The subjective character of the measure of value. Labor and value. Error.<not only the nature but also the measure of value is subjective. Goods always have value to certain economizing individuals and this value is also determined only by these individuals […] Whether a diamond was found accidentally or was obtained from a diamond pit with the employment of a thousand days of labor is completely irrelevant for its value […] Equally untenable is the opinion that the determining factor in the value of goods is the quantity of labor or other means of pro-duction that are necessary for their reproduction. A large number of goods cannot be reproduced (antiques, and paintings by old mas-ters, for instance) and thus, in a number of cases, we can observe value but no possibility of reproduction. For this reason, any factor connected with reproduction cannot be the determining principle of value in general […] The determining factor in the value of a good, then, is neither the quantity of labor or other goods necessary for its production nor the quantity necessary for its reproduction, but rather the magnitude of importance of those satisfactions with respect to which we are conscious of being dependent on command of the good. This principle of value determination is universally valid, and no exception to it can be found in human economy.all of this then lays out the popular notion of austrian economic thinking; subjective value, marginal utility, etc.
(3/5)
the next section deals with the value of higher goods:
>A. The principle determining the value of goods of higher order.
<there is no necessary connection between the value of goods of lower or first order in the present and the value of currently available goods of higher order serving for the production of such goods. On the contrary, it is evident that the former derive their value from the relationship between requirements and avail-able quantities in the present, while the latter derive their value from the prospective relationship between the requirements and the quantities that will be available at the future points in time when the products created by means of the goods of higher order will become available. If the prospective future value of a good of lower order rises, other things remaining equal, the value of the goods of higher order whose possession assures us future com-mand of the good of lower order rises also. But the rise or fall of the value of a good of lower order available in the present has no necessary causal connection with the rise or fall of the value of currently available corresponding goods of higher order. Hence the principle that the value of goods of higher order is governed, not by the value of corresponding goods of lower order of the present, but rather by the prospective value of the product, is the universally valid principle of the determination of the value of goods of higher order.
>B. The productivity of capital.
<A primitive Indian is occupied incessantly with the task of meeting his requirements for a few days at a time. A nomad who does not consume the domestic animals at his command but decides to breed them for their young is already producing goods that will become available to him only after a few months. But among civilized peoples, a con-siderable proportion of the members of society is occupied with the production of goods that will contribute only after years, and often only after decades, to the direct satisfaction of human needs […] In other words, he can procure this gain only by employing goods, which are available to him, if he so chooses, for the present or for the near future, for the satisfaction of the needs of a more distant time period […] When this occurs, each individual can participate in the economic gains connected with employment of goods of higher order in contrast to purely collecting activity (and, at higher levels of civilization, with the employment of goods of higher order in contrast to the limitations of means of production of lower order) only if he already has command of quantities of economic goods of higher order (or quantities of economic goods of any kind, when a brisk commerce has already developed and goods of all kinds may be exchanged for one another) in the present for future periods of time—in other words, only if he possesses capital […] The more or less complete satisfaction of our needs is therefore no less dependent on command of quantities of economic goods for certain periods of time (on capital services) than it is on com-mand of other economic goods […] the pay-ment of interest must not be regarded as a compensation of the owner of capital for his abstinence, but as the exchange of one economic good (the use of capital) for another (money, for instance).
>C. The value of complementary quantities of goods of higher order.
<In order to transform goods of higher order into goods of lower order, the passage of a certain period of time is necessary. Hence, whenever economic goods are to be produced, command of the services of capital is necessary for a certain period of time. The length of this period varies according to the nature of the produc-tion process. In any given branch of production, it is longer the higher the order of the goods to be directed to the satisfaction of human needs. But some passage of time is inseparable from any process of production. During these time periods, the quantity of economic goods of which I am speaking (capital) is fixed, and not available for other productive purposes. In order to have a good or a quantity of goods of lower order at our command at a future time, it is not suf-ficient to have fleeting possession of the corresponding goods of higher order at some single point in time, but instead necessary that we retain command of these goods of higher order for a period of time that varies in length according to the nature of the particular process of production, and that we fix them in this pro-duction process for the duration of that period […] Entrepreneurial activity includes: (a) obtaining information about the economic situation; (b) economic calculation—all the various computations that must be made if a production process is to be efficient (provided that it is economic in other respect); (c) the act of will by which goods of higher order (or goods in general—under conditions of developed commerce, where any economic good can be exchanged for any other) are assigned to a particular production process; and finally (d) supervision of the execution of the production plan so that it may be carried through as economically as possible. In small firms, these entrepreneurial activities usually occupy but an inconsiderable part of the time of the entrepreneur. In large firms, however, not only the entrepreneur himself, but often several helpers, are fully occupied with these activities […] After what has been said, it will be evident that I cannot agree with Mangoldt, who designates “risk bearing” as the essential function of entrepreneurship in a production process, since this “risk” is only incidental and the chance of loss is counterbalanced by the chance of profit […] Let me summarize the results of this section. The aggregate present value of all the complementary quantities of goods of higher order (that is, all the raw materials, labor services, services of land, machines, tools, etc.) necessary for the production of a good of lower or first order is equal to the prospective value of the product. But it is necessary to include in the sum not only the goods of higher order technically required for its production but also the services of capital and the activity of the entrepreneur. For these are as unavoidably necessary in every economic production of goods as the technical requisites already mentioned. Hence the present value of the technical factors of production by themselves is not equal to the full prospective value of the product, but always behaves in such a way that a margin for the value of the services of capital and entrepreneurial activity remains.
>D. The value of individual goods of higher order.
<We have seen that the value of a particular good (or of a given quantity of goods) to the economizing individual who has it at his command is equal to the importance he attaches to the satisfac-tions he would have to forgo if he did not have command of it.
From this we could infer, without difficulty, that the value of each unit of goods of higher order is likewise equal to the importance of the satisfactions assured by command of a unit if we were not impeded by the fact that a good of higher order cannot be employed for the satisfaction of human needs by itself but only in combination with other (the complementary) goods of higher order […] the value of a good of higher order will be greater (1) the greater the prospective value of the product if the value of the other complementary goods necessary for its production remains equal, and (2) the lower, other things being equal, the value of the complementary goods.
>E. The value of the services of land, capital, and labor, in particular.
<Land and the services of land, in the concrete forms in which we observe them, are objects of our value appraisement like all other goods. Like other goods, they attain value only to the extent that we depend on command of them for the satisfaction of our needs […] The value of services of land is therefore not subject to different laws than the value of the services of machines, tools, houses, fac-tories, or any other kind of economic good […] In reality, as we shall see, the prices of actual labor services are governed, like the prices of all other goods, by their values. But their values are governed, as was shown, by the magnitude of importance of the satisfactions that would have to remain unsatis-fied if we were unable to command the labor services. Where labor services are goods of higher order, their values are governed (prox-imately and directly) in accordance with the principle that the value of a good of higher order to economizing men is greater (1) the greater the prospective value of the product, provided the value of the complementary goods of higher order is constant, and (2) the lower, other things being equal, the value of the complementary goods […] Entrepreneurial activity must definitely be counted as a category of labor services. It is an economic good as a rule, and as such has value to economizing men. Labor services in this category have two peculiarities: (a) they are by nature not commodities (not intended for exchange) and for this reason have no prices; (b) they have command of the services of capital as a necessary prerequi-site since they cannot otherwise be performed […] It may well appear deplorable to a lover of mankind that possession of capital or a piece of land often provides the owner a higher income for a given period of time than the income received by a laborer for the most strenuous activity during the same period. Yet the cause of this is not immoral, but simply that the sat-isfaction of more important human needs depends upon the serv-ices of the given amount of capital or piece of land than upon the services of the laborer.
this then concludes chapter 3. to quickly summarise what menger has wtitten we may begin duly. there is a difference between the economic and non-economic in terms of abundance versus scarcity. for this purpose, economies create the relationship of commodity values. values occur by relative magnitude according to their degree of utility/necessity. water for a thirsty man is more important than a quenched man for example. thus, value only arises in the circumstance of need/desire, which is a condition of privation. the degree of satisfaction then is where commodities lose their values. of certain goods, we may also define them in relation to their order in production, and so temporally also. that which may be immediately consumed is of the lower, primary order of goods, while that which requires a mediated sequence to actualise its prospective product is a good of a higher or greater order. the more civilised society becomes, the generally more concerned it becomes about saving, and so capital attains its value as this composite source of value, which must of itself by utilised by entrepeneurial labour services, which include the temporality and technicality of his labour. menger says however that at scale, entrepeneurship is outsourced to managers, and that owners do not grant interest on capital by mere virtue of investment, but only from valuable service. he then fails to explain why a capitalist who has outsourced entrepeneurial labour to managers still requites a reward for his supposed labour. as he says, what makes capital valuable is its particular utilisation, not simply its ownership. menger could be implying an anti-capitalist argument here.
(4/5)
we begin chapter 4 with a discourse on adam smith's apparent failure to disclose the origin of trade. i have previously dealt with menger's false comments and shown him to reproduce smith's own arguments, but i will go through menger's reasoning nonetheless:
>Since it has been established that exchange is not an end in itself, and still less itself a pleasure for men, the problem in what follows will be to explain its nature and origin […] It is therefore evident that we have encountered a case in which, if command of a certain amount of A’s goods were transferred to B and if command of a certain amount of B’s goods were transferred to A, the needs of both economizing individuals could be better satisfied than would be the case in the absence of this reciprocal transfer.
here, menger sees trade begin where a surplus of one particular good is traded for a surplus of another. thus, commodities become valueless to those who possess them at the margin of their relative satisfaction. exchange then comes at the end of use. this principle basically sums up the whole chapter, and it is also spoken of in a more succinct style by adam smith, "wealth of nations", book 1, chapter 4.
chapter 5 finally comes to prices, which menger only sees as derivative of economic activity in general:
>Economizing individuals strive to better their economic positions as much as possible. To this end they engage in economic activity in general. And to this end also, whenever it can be attained by means of trade, they exchange goods. Prices are only incidental manifestations of these activities, symptoms of an economic equi-librium between the economies of individuals.
menger breaks with all economic sense and sees that there is no equivalence in exchange, but only what is unequal (or mutually preferable of another's value):
>Suppose A had exchanged his house for B’s farm or for a sum of 20,000 Thalers. If these goods had become equivalents in the objective sense of the term as a result of the transaction, or if they had already been equivalents before it took place, there is no reason why the two participants should not be willing to reverse the trade immedi-ately. But experience tells us that in a case of this kind neither of the two would give his consent to such an arrangement.
thus, to get what one wants from another entails what is mutually unpreferable in reciprocity. one only trades what he does not want for what he does, and so to acquire what one doesnt want for what he does is an irrational relation, and so exchange is inherently unequal:
>A correct theory of prices cannot, therefore, have the task of explaining an alleged “equality of value” between two quantities of goods when such an equality does not, in truth, exist anywhere.
next, menger attempts to explain the basis of price formation as a style of bargaining between quantities of goods. he is careful to note that prices can only form by what is particular to each ratio of exchange:
>The result is the phenomenon which, in ordinary life, we call bargaining. Each of the two bargainers will attempt to acquire as large a portion as possible of the economic gain that can be derived from the exploitation of the exchange opportunity, and even if he were to try to obtain but a fair share of the gain, he will be inclined to demand higher prices the less he knows of the economic condition of the other bargainer and the less he knows the extreme limit to which the other is prepared to go […] In our case, the price for a quantity of wine of 40 units upon which the two bargainers will finally agree will lie within the lim-its of 80 and 100 units of grain, with the further restriction that it must be higher than 80 and lower than 100 units. As concerns its position between these limits, if the two bargainers are otherwise equally situated, it will be equal to 90 units of grain. But if this equality in their situations does not prevail, an exchange at another price between the two limits would not be economically impossible.
<The quantities of goods that are given for each other in an economic exchange are therefore precisely determined by the economic situation obtaining in each case…
of course, what is particular may also be general, yet menger apparently refuses to consider the tendency of sale toward equilibrium (as jevons does, for example). now he speaks of monopoly and competition:
>Summarizing, we obtain the following principles: (1) When several economizing individuals, for each of whom the foundations for an economic exchange are present, compete for a single indivisible monop-olized good, the competitor who will obtain the good will be the one for whom it is the equivalent of the largest quantity of the good offered for it in exchange. (2) Price formation takes place between limits that are set by the equivalents of the monopolized good in question for the two competitors who are most eager, or who are in the strongest competitive position, to perform the exchange. (3) Within these limits, the price is fixed according to the principles of price formation already demonstrated for isolated exchange.
so then, the addition of competitors into the realm of price formation alters its potential rate of exchange. differing from monopoly (competition of consumers) and its tendency to raise prices, we may see the opposite, the competition of producers:
>competition in supply is to exercise any effect at all on price formation, total sales, and the distribution of a good among its competing purchasers, either different quantities of the good must be offered for sale or the competing sellers must find themselves obliged to set different prices under the regime of com-petition in supply than under monopoly […] competition, which concerns itself with the exploitation of even the smallest economic gain wherever pos-sible, tends to descend with its goods to the lowest social classes that the economic situation at any time permits. The monopolist has the power to regulate, within certain limits, either the price or the quantity of a monopolized good coming upon the market. He readily renounces the small profit that can be made on goods des-tined to be consumed by the poorest social classes in order to be able to exploit the classes of greater purchasing power more effec-tively. But under competition, where no single competitor has the power to regulate by himself either the price or the quantity of a good traded, each individual competitor desires even the smallest profit, and the exploitation of existing possibilities of making such profits is no longer neglected. Competition leads therefore to large-scale production with its tendency to make many small profits and with its high degree of economy, since the smaller the profit on each unit the more dangerous becomes every uneconomic waste, and the brisker the competition the less possible becomes an unthinking continuation of business according to old-established methods.
so then, monopoly and competition are established.
(5/5)
in chapter 6, menger considers use value and exchange value:
>The value of [X] in the first case and its value in the second case are therefore only two different forms of the same phenomenon of economic life. In both cases value is the importance that goods acquire for economizing individuals when these individuals are aware of being dependent on command of them for the satis-faction of their needs. What lends a special character, in each of the two cases, to the phenomenon of value is the fact that goods acquire the importance, to the economizing individuals commanding them, that we call value by being employed directly in the first case and indirectly in the second. This difference is nevertheless of sufficient importance both in ordinary life and in our science in particular to require specific terms for each of the two forms of the one general value phenomenon. Thus we call value in the first case use value, and in the second case we call it exchange value.
<Use value, therefore, is the importance that goods acquire for us because they directly assure us the satisfaction of needs that would not be provided for if we did not have the goods at our command.
Exchange value is the importance that goods acquire for us because their possession assures the same result indirectly.
now, this appears to simulate a previous categorisation of lower and higher order goods applying satisfaction by consumption immediately and non-immediately, or directly and indirectly by causation and temporality. he elaborates upon the point here:
>the importance of goods to us with respect to a direct employment and with respect to an indirect employment for the satisfaction of our needs are only different forms of a single general phenomenon of value […] A gold cup will undoubtedly have a high exchange value to a poor man who has won it in a lottery. By means of the cup he will be in a position (in an indirect manner, through exchange) to satisfy many needs that would not otherwise be provided for. But the use value of the cup to him will scarcely be worth mentioning at all. A pair of glasses, on the other hand, adjusted exactly to the eyes of the owner, probably has a consider-able use value to him, while its exchange value is usually very small.
here, this resembles the classical understanding:
>In all cases, therefore, in which a good has both use value and exchange value to its possessor, the economic value is the one that is the greater. But from what was said in Chapter IV, it is evident, in every instance in which the foundations for an economic exchange are present, that it is the exchange value of the good, and when this is not the case that it is the use value, that is the economic value.
next is chapter 7, on commodities:
>the characteristic feature of the isolated household economy is not the absence of any division of labor but its self-suf-ficiency, production being concerned exclusively with goods des-tined for the consumption of the household itself, and not at all with goods destined to be exchanged for other goods […] [in more advanced conditions] Products that the producers or middlemen hold in readiness for sale are called commodities. In ordinary usage the term is limited in its application to movable tangible goods (with the exception of money) […] From the definition just given of a commodity in the scientific sense of the term, it appears that commodity-character is nothing inherent in a good, no property of it, but merely a specific rela-tionship of a good to the person who has command of it. With the disappearance of this relationship the commodity-character of the good comes to an end. A good ceases to be a commodity, therefore, if the economizing individual possessing it gives up his intention of disposing of it, or if it comes into the hands of persons who do not intend to exchange it further but to consume it […] Commodity-character is therefore not only no property of goods but usually only a transitory relationship between goods and economizing individuals […] as soon as they have reached their economic destination (that is, as soon as they are in the hands of the ultimate consumer) they obviously cease to be commodities and become “consumption goods” in the narrow sense in which this term is opposed to the concept of “commodity.”
here then, we must clarify. a commodity to menger is an object made to be exchanged by their possessor and so possess means as an immediate goods-character, but is rather a commodity-character. a commodity then is a means to an end, as a value in exchange rather than use:
<To be consumed a good must cease to be a “commodity” and relinquish the form in which it has been traded
menger appears to also consider money as commodity:
>the view of those who deny the commodity character of money because “money as such, especially in the form of coin, does not serve any consumption purpose” is untenable simply because the same argument can be advanced against the commodity-character of all other goods […] The coin and the ingot are the most common forms in which the precious metals are traded, and the fact that these forms must be abandoned before the pre-cious metals can be brought into consumption is therefore nothing that justifies doubting their commodity-character.
we may now move on to the next chapter, on money.
beginning chapter 8:
>In considering the goods he will acquire in trade, each man takes account only of their use value to himself. Hence the exchange transactions that are actually per-formed are restricted naturally to situations in which economizing individuals have goods in their possession that have a smaller use value to them than goods in the possession of other economizing individuals who value the same goods in reverse fashion.
menger appears to imply that the function of money as commodity is due to its use-value being below its exchange-value for the possessor. menger applies another attribute of marketability or saleability into the composition of money however. that which is difficult to transfer in possession is that which becomes illegitimate as a medium of exchange. from this basic principle, he sees the origin of money in saleable items such as cattle [which is where the term "capital" comes from]:
>In the earliest periods of economic development, cattle seem to have been the most saleable commodity among most peoples of the ancient world […] The trade and commerce of the most cultured people of the ancient world, the Greeks, whose stages of development history has revealed to us in fairly distinct outlines, showed no trace of coined money even as late as the time of Homer. Barter still prevailed, and wealth consisted of herds of cattle. Payments were made in cattle […] Until very late, cattle and, next to them sheep, formed the means of exchange among the Romans […] Among our own ancestors, the old Germanic tribes, at a time when, according to Tacitus, they held silver and earthen vessels in equal esteem, a large herd of cattle was considered identical with riches […] Among the Arabs, the cattle standard existed as late as the time of Mohammed…
this is also spoken of by smith in his reference to homer's iliad, where animals are used as measures of value, where metals like gold or bronze were themselves measured by the value they shared in cattle quantities. more from menger:
>In all cultures in which cattle had previously had the char-acter of money, cattle-money was abandoned with the passage from a nomadic existence and simple agriculture to a more complex system in which handicraft was practiced, its place being taken by the metals then in use.
this is also spoken of by smith, and marx.
in the next section, menger deals with relations between "effective (variable) prices" and "average (fixed) prices". he curiously adopts the convenience of calling the average price the "equivalent" of another's by them sharing the same exchange value:
>We need only call the equivalent (in this sense) of a commodity (or one of its many equivalents) its “exchange value,” and the sum of money for which it can be both bought and sold its “exchange value in the preferred sense of the term,” to arrive at the concept of exchange value in general and of money as the “measure of exchange value” in particular, which dominate our science.
yet he entirely backtracks here:
<In my discussion of price theory, however, I have shown that equivalents of goods in the objective sense of the term cannot be observed anywhere in the economy of men, and that the entire theory that presents money as the “measure of the exchange value” of goods disintegrates into nothingness, since the basis of the theory is a fiction, an error.
he makes separation between the particular and general in this sense:
>But a particular quantity of wool and a particular quantity of money (or any other commodity) that can mutually be exchanged for each other—that are equivalents in the objective sense of the term—can nowhere be observed for they do not exist […] Where only an approximate correctness of the estimates is required, average prices can properly serve as the basis of valuation, since they are generally most suitable for this purpose
his concern then is the imperfection of considering equilibrium as a measure of the value of commodities. he still appears to validate its approximation however. he then restates price formation as supply and demand:
>The basis for making the first two estimates follows from what has been said. Price formation, we have seen, always takes place between two extremes, the lower of which may also be called the demand price (the price at which the commodity is asked for on the market) and the higher of which may also be called the supply price (the price at which the commodity is offered for sale on the market).
so then, he simply repeats the classical prosition, especially where he gives emphasis to a smithian effectual supply and demand of goods:
<When an exact valuation of goods is necessary, three things must be distinguished according to the intention of the person making the estimate. He must direct his attention to estimating (1) the price at which certain goods, if brought to market, can be sold, (2) the price at which goods of a certain kind and quality can be bought on the market, and (3) the quantity of commodities or the sum of money that is the equivalent, to the particular individual himself, of a good or of a quantity of goods.
he oncemore states the validity of this price theory:
>Although the theory of “exchange value” in general, and as a necessary consequence, the theory of money as a “measure of exchange value” in particular, must be designated as untenable after what has been said, observation of the nature and function of money teaches us nevertheless that the various estimates just discussed (as distinguished from measurement of the “exchange value” of goods) are usually most suitably made in terms of money […] Thus it is clear why the only commodity in terms of which val-uations are usually made is money. In this sense, as the commod-ity in terms of which valuations are as a rule and most suitably made under conditions of developed trade, money may, if one desires, be called a measure of prices.
money thus, in equilibrium to supply and demand, comes to be the measure of exchangeable value. for this conclusion he also references aristotle's view of money (chapter 8, footnote 24), as measure of value. menger also uses "measure of price" as a term. he rebukes certain ideas attached to money however:
<But it appears to me to be just as certain that the functions of being a “measure of value” and a “store of value” must not be attributed to money as such, since these functions are of a merely accidental nature and are not an essential part of the concept of money.
as he says, money is only a measure of exchange value, which is but one pole of a commodity's total value (this seems similar to marx's value form dialectic, except that marx formulates value as a social relation between two commodities, rather than an ideal relation between the two values of a single commodity - menger then individualises the process of valuation in his writing).
this for all intents and purposes closes the book. so then, this is the beginning of austrian economics, which only rivals marxism and keynesianism in its influence over the economic and political world.
I never understood that one poster's obsession with "its a cRiTiQuE of Politikkkal ekkkonomy"
Yeah, and it's also clear that Marx never makes a critique just as a vulgar 'criticism'. The critique of XYZ of Marx are always ammunition and fertilisier for the elevation of XYZ.
>>2507104> The critique of XYZ of Marx are always ammunition and fertilisier for the elevation of XYZ.Depends on the subject being criticized. The critique of reactionary thought is not meant to elevate reactionary thought, but under socialism there will still, arguably, be a political economy, even if it is not of the same form as before.
>>2506575I noticed Smith anon that your strongest opinions seem to be:
1. Machines can create value rather than just transfer it
2. Value is a social construct and not a magnitude of SNLT
Thread full; btw
>>2507104They dont understand what critique means in German Philosophy. I guess they think that Kant was a hater of reason.
>>2507104same way hegel's "science of logic" is not a series of empirical experiments.
>>2498388this is nice, unironically, but it doesnt erase the fact that modern marginalist economists are completely retarded
>>2533350monetarism isnt a marginalist economic theory?
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