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File: 1750197287039.png (398.21 KB, 422x549, ClipboardImage.png)

 

A thread for the forgotten continent, so forgotten the thread got wiped.
Discuss anything related to:
>Algeria
>Angola
>Benin
>Botswana
>Burkina Faso
>Burundi
>Cabo Verde
>Cameroon
>Central African Republic (CAR)
>Chad
>Comoros
>Congo, Democratic Republic of the
>Congo, Republic of the
>Cote d’Ivoire
>Djibouti
>Egypt
>Equatorial Guinea
>Eritrea
>Eswatini
>Ethiopia
>Gabon
>Gambia
>Ghana
>Guinea
>Guinea-Bissau
>Kenya
>Lesotho
>Liberia
>Libya
>Madagascar
>Malawi
>Mali
>Mauritania
>Mauritius
>Morocco
>Mozambique
>Namibia
>Niger
>Nigeria
>Rwanda
>Sao Tome and Principe
>Senegal
>Seychelles
>Sierra Leone
>Somalia
>South Africa
>South Sudan
>Sudan
>Tanzania
>Togo
>Tunisia
>Uganda
>Zambia
>Zimbabwe
148 posts and 32 image replies omitted.

What's happening in Guinea boys.

military officers in control of country

>>2574325
what do they want

Guinea status?

>>2574325
I wonder why the drug traffickers didn't choose equatorial guinea instead? It's a Spanish speaking African country and I'm assuming the drug trafficking organizations are largely from Latin America. Or maybe they're there already and I just don't know?

The UAE is buying the West's silence over its 'race war' in Sudan, says top general

Lieutenant General Yasser al-Atta, a member of Sudan’s governing Sovereignty Council and the military’s second in command, told journalists that UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed has launched a race war against the Sudanese people.

“They entered people’s houses in Khartoum and other cities. They loot and destroy everything: hospitals, electricity, water supply, everything that keeps people alive,” he said.

But Atta said the “world has been silent regarding all the RSF has done in Sudan” despite “social media and technological tools” which enabled the paramilitaries’ crimes to be seen and understood.

The reason, stated Atta, is that “this silence was bought by the power of the UAE’s money”.

“As a result of the world not watching, mercenaries were imported to our country and the UAE were allowed to do it,” he said.

MEE has previously detailed how the UAE has transported Colombian mercenaries to the RSF through an air base in Somalia.

Atta said the paramilitaries have hired fighters from as far afield as Ukraine, too, as well as African countries such as Niger, Mali, Chad and South Sudan.

Before the war, there was ample evidence that the RSF had close ties with Russia’s Wagner Group.

According to Atta, the collapse of the Wagner Group following the death of its founder Yevgeny Prigozhin in an air crash two years ago has opened up new recruitment options for the RSF.

Most recently, he stated, the RSF has brought in recruits from Somaliland.

>Somalia and the UAE


For years, the United Arab Emirates has provided financial assistance to Mogadishu and trained Somali soldiers to combat armed groups such as al-Shabab.

But this relationship has darkened significantly in recent years, as the UAE has aided and abetted regional administrations like Puntland and Somaliland, which have designs on splitting away from Somalia.

Mogadishu maintains control over Somali airspace and authorises all flights into the country, but it has no authority over Bosaso’s port and airport.

Despite the uneasy relationship that exists between Hassan Sheikh, Somalia’s president, and the UAE’s Mohammed bin Zayed, the government in Mogadishu has not openly confronted Abu Dhabi over its military activities in Puntland.

“Mogadishu is unable to object, given that it is unprepared to counter the UAE’s expanding influence,” said Abdirashid Muse, a regional analyst and critic of the UAE’s activities in the Horn of Africa.

Puntland’s state president, Said Abdullahi Deni, is widely regarded as a close ally of the UAE, largely due to the financial support that could strengthen both his administration and his political ambitions.

>A history of violence


In recent weeks, greater global scrutiny has been placed on the RSF and the UAE’s backing of it after the paramilitaries stormed el-Fasher on 26 October and launched a killing spree.

But Atta was keen to stress that the RSF has committed numerous atrocities beyond the slaughter in el-Fasher, drawing attention to rampages in al-Jazira state south of Khartoum.

“There are many small villages in al-Jazira and in those villages hundreds were being killed,” he said.

An attack on al-Seriha village in October 2024 is reported to have killed around 100 people.

Sudanese in al-Tekeina, another village in al-Jazira, told MEE that the RSF killed more than 50 of its residents as they successfully fought off the paramilitaries.

The RSF, Atta said, “are killing more and more people just to make sure they do not exist”.

He told MEE that the number of civilians massacred in el-Fasher has now risen to 32,000, with more killed every day “according to ethnicity and race”.

Last week, Darfur Governor Minnie Minnawi told MEE that the number had reached 27,000.

The Rapid Support Forces grew out of militias known as the Janjaweed that the Sudanese military and government under former president Omar al-Bashir used to fight rebel movements in Darfur 20 years ago.

Those rebels were rising up against the central government in protest at the marginalisation and discrimination of Black Sudanese. The mostly Arab Janjaweed targeted Black communities as they rampaged across Darfur in a conflict that has been described as the 21st century’s first genocide.

Janjaweed fighters, drawn principally from traditionally nomadic Arab tribesmen, also used the conflict as an opportunity to drive Sudanese - most often from Black African ethnicities - from their land.

“If you are from a non-Arab or SAF-supporting tribe they will shoot you and kill you directly,” Atta said.

“Those people who try to escape, the RSF will follow them and kill them on the road.”

An Emirati 'project'

At the start of the dinner, which was facilitated by the Al Arabiya production company, Atta, a veteran of four decades in the Sudanese army with a background in intelligence work, told journalists: “I am going to be very honest and direct. I am a straightforward person.”

Answering through a translator, he accused the Abu Dhabi ruler Mohammed bin Zayed of planning to drive African tribes out of Sudan.

He said that a source in Dubai warned him a year before the war started that Mohammed bin Zayed often referred to the RSF leader Mohammed Hamdan Daglo - popularly known as Hemedti - as the “prince of Sudan”.

Atta claimed that the UAE president had personally approved a strategic plan to rid Sudan of its African tribes.

He told journalists that the “project” entails a massive programme of relocation and ethnic cleansing, with northern Sudanese people and Nubian tribes pushed into Egypt.

The project, according to the general, also envisages the expulsion of southern Nuba tribes and others from South Kordofan and Blue Nile states to South Sudan.

Atta said that, according to Sudanese intelligence, the UAE has established a chain of command in Abu Dhabi to manage logistics, media and the supply of armaments to the RSF in Sudan.

Before the meeting with Atta, the Sudanese army took journalists to a military base that had become a graveyard of destroyed RSF armoured vehicles. Some, officers said, had been supplied by the UAE.

The military equipment, said Sudanese officers, was either flown in from Chad or Somalia or came overland through Libya.

These vehicles, they claimed, were often hidden inside mosques or public buildings to avoid destruction by the Sudanese air force.

Atta told reporters that one explanation for the Emirati intervention might be that “UAE wants gold, or land for agriculture or land for minerals”.

But he said Sudan has always been “open to investment”.

“No, we think what the UAE really wants is a race decision. The Sudan they see is an Arab land without non-Arabs,” he said.

“The RSF is just a tool in the hands of the Emirates,” he added, highlighting the many Emirati interventions in countries across the Middle East and North Africa.

“The United Arab Emirates is an enemy. They have damaged or destroyed the Arab world and the entire region we are living in. The UAE is behind the problems in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen and other countries.”

Some of those countries, Atta said, were “exchanging information” with the Sudanese military about Emirati activities.

Since the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011, the UAE has sought to project its power across the region by bolstering friendly autocratic governments and combating champions of democracy and political Islam.

Much like in Sudan, it has also backed secessionists and militias in states like Libya, Somalia and Yemen, leading to huge upheaval and instability.

The Sudanese conflict erupted over plans to fold the RSF into the regular military, which would have significantly weakened Hemedti and the influence of the UAE.

In a rare light moment, the general mocked the narrative spread by RSF supporters that “Burhan is Muslim Brotherhood and Atta is a communist”.

“They tell the Turks we are communists and Qataris we are extremists. We don’t know who we are at the moment: communist or Brotherhood,” he joked.

>A new basis for negotiations


Assessing the current military situation, Atta claimed that the number of RSF fighters had been reduced from 100,000 to 23,000 since the war began.

But, he warned, “they have the direct support of the UAE”.

“We believe in peace. We are not warmongers. We want a solution based on justice and fairness,” he said - insisting, however, that “we will not accept any peace that will make room for the Emirates”.

Significantly, he also ruled out any involvement in negotiations of US senior advisor for Arab and African affairs, Massad Boulos.

https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/uae-buying-wests-silence-over-its-race-war-sudan-says-top-general

The kidnap gangs, jihadists and separatists wreaking havoc in Nigeria

Nigeria is currently grappling with a spate of mass abductions. But the vast country - bigger than France and Germany combined - also faces many other security challenges.

Recent attempts by US President Donald Trump and his supporters to frame the insecurity purely as the persecution of Christians overlooks the complexity of Africa's most-populous nation.

There are more than 250 ethnic groups in Nigeria, which is roughly divided into a mainly Muslim north, a largely Christian south, with intermingling in the middle - and the government says people of all faiths have been victims of attacks.

There are criminal gangs in the north-west, an Islamist insurgency in the north-east, clashes over land in central regions and separatist unrest in the south-east - leaving the 400,000-strong army and the police force of 370,000 officers overstretched.

Here's a breakdown of the main armed groups and flashpoints:

Bandits' - kidnap gangs

These criminal gangs, known locally as "bandits", are largely composed of people from the Fulani ethnic group, who traditionally make their living by raising animals. They have traded their pastoral tools for assault rifles, which have flooded Nigeria - and other states in the region - since Libya descended into anarchy following the overthrow in 2011 of long-time strongman Muammar Gadaffi by Nato-backed forces.

The gangs are not known to be motivated by any religious or political ideology, but see kidnapping people for ransom as a quick and easy way to make money rather than walking for miles with their livestock in search of water and grazing land.

They typically move in large numbers on motorcycles, which makes them highly mobile and allows them to strike quickly and escape before the security forces can respond - a tactic used during two recent school abductions.

There is no centrally organised leadership - each gang, often drawn from one family or a specific community, tends to be loyal to its own leader.

Boko Haram - jihadist group

This Islamist militant group became infamous around the world in 2014 for kidnapping more than 200 schoolgirls from the village of Chibok - around 90 of whom remain missing.

It evolved from a local Islamist sect founded in 2002 by Mohammed Yusuf in the north-eastern city of Maiduguri with the official name of Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad and a political goal of creating an Islamic state. Local residents dubbed it Boko Haram - a name which in the Hausa language loosely translates as "Western education is forbidden" because of their opposition to Western-style schools.

Its full-blown insurgency was triggered in 2009 by the killing of Yusuf who had been taken into police custody after Boko Haram clashed with the security forces.

Iswap - Boko Haram splinter group

Several Boko Haram commanders - including Abu Musab al-Barnawi, believed to be the son of Boko Haram founder Mohammed Yusuf - formed what became known as the Islamic State in West Africa Province (Iswap) in around 2016 as they felt Abubakar Shekau was violating Islamic doctrine by killing Muslims.

Boko Haram routinely targeted markets and mosques, often with suicide bombers. Iswap generally avoids attacking Muslim civilians and focuses on military and government targets.

Ansaru - Boko Haram splinter group

This splinter group has moved away from the north-east, where Boko Haram and Iswap dominate, to carry out its operations.

It is believed to have participated in the 2022 attack on a high-speed train travelling between the capital, Abuja - in the centre of the country - and the city of Kaduna, about 200km (124 miles) north, in which at least seven people were killed and more than 100 commuters were abducted for ransom.

Mahmuda - suspected Boko Haram splinter group

Believed to be a breakaway faction of Boko Haram, it has set up in rural areas around Kainji Lake National Park in the west of the country since around 2020.

It is linked to the Islamic State group and has emphasised more moderate messaging in comparison to Boko Haram and proselytises in Hausa and other local languages to attract recruits.

The group has carried out targeted killings, often riding in on motorcycles and attacking markets, vigilante groups set up to protect villagers from bandits and local communities in the western state of Kwara. In April, its fighters killed several vigilantes and attacked a market there, killing Fulani men and others.

Lakurawa - jihadist group

A relatively new Islamist militant group, Lakurawa has been attacking communities in Sokoto and Kebbi states in the north-west and in Niger, the country which borders Nigeria to the north.

The authorities say it maintains ties with jihadist networks in Mali and Niger, and members have settled among border communities, marrying locally and recruiting young people.

JNIM - Sahel jihadist group

Active mainly in Mali and Burkina Faso, where it controls large areas, Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), may be making inroads into Nigeria.

A confirmed JNIM attack in northern Benin early in 2025 occurred close to the Nigerian border. In October 2025, the group claimed what would be its first attack inside Nigeria, in Kwara - the same state where more than 30 worshippers were abducted from a church last week and which has also seen increasing incursions by bandits.

Herders v farmers - battles over resources

This long-running conflict in central Nigeria - also known as the Middle Belt - has devastated communities, fuelling displacement and the spread of small arms as both herders and farmers arm themselves for what has become a deadly cycle of reprisal attacks.

It has been framed by some as a religious fight, but the central grievance is over grazing rights - access to land and water.

The herders are mainly Fulani Muslims, while the farmers are largely Christians from various ethnic communities, although some are Muslim. Fulani families traditionally walk for hundreds of kilometres from the extreme north to central Nigeria and beyond at least twice a year to find land for their prized cattle.

But urbanisation has seen encroachment onto these age-old grazing routes and locals accuse the Fulani of letting their cattle trample their crops and forcing them out of their homes and fields.

Ipob - separatist group

The separatist violence in the south-east has its roots in calls for Biafran independence that date back nearly 60 years to the brutal civil war that led to the deaths of up to a million people.

That rebellion was crushed but demands for an independent state for the Igbo people of the region continued as some Igbos continue to feel that they are marginalised by the Nigerian state.

The Indigenous People of Biafra (Ipob), led by Nnamdi Kanu, is one of the groups promoting that call for secession. In 2009 Kanu launched Radio Biafra that broadcast separatist messages to Nigeria from London. Ipob was designated as terrorist organisation in 2017 - and three years later Kanu created an armed wing.

The Eastern Security Network (ESN), as it was called, and other splinter groups have since been implicated in arson, kidnappings and killings of civilians and security personnel in five states across the south-east. ESN has been in control of several towns in Imo and Anambra states where thousands were forced from their homes.

Last week, Kanu was convicted in Nigeria on terrorism-related charges and given a life sentence.

Ahead of the judgement, he had written to Trump urging the US to investigate "killings of Christians and Igbo people" and his group and others have been promoting the "Christian genocide" narrative in America, a BBC investigation into documents filed with the US justice department shows.

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c4g4jlgdyjdo

china has wuxia, cdramas, xianxia, etc. cultural markers, does africa have anything remotely similar?

why was somalia unable to put itself back together after it collapsed in the 90s?

>>2581524
pidgin is taking over the nigerian language scene

>>2581489
Because the US has never stopped bombing it.

>>2581625
it's a creole language so no

>>2581524

Get Ghana & Nkrumah pilled.

>>2581524
>>2582018

>>2581524
>>2582018

>>2581524
>>2582018



>>2585297

Ugandan memes aside, my experience is that the title is generally. A large segment of Africans may not like lgbtetc, but it is not at all preoccupation. There are just many other major issues in their lives.

why did nigeria intervene in benin but not in niger during the recent coups?

Tanzania crackdown on planned protest leaves streets deserted

Security was tightened across Tanzania on Tuesday with police and military seen patrolling major cities ahead of anticipated anti-government protests called to coincide with independence day.

By sunset, however, no major demonstrations had taken place.

The demonstrations were called to demand political reforms in the wake of October's post-election unrest which left an unknown number of people dead.

The authorities have admitted using force against protesters, claiming that some groups were attempting to overthrow the regime.

Security vehicles were seen driving along major roads and intersections, while officers took up positions at strategic locations, including around key public infrastructure.

Public transport stopped operating entirely, the AFP news agency reported.

On social media, activists and campaigners urged supporters to stay alert, suggesting any demonstrations were unlikely to begin until the afternoon. The messaging echoed previous protest calls in Tanzania, when turnout increased later in the day.

"We will move out, it is our right to protest… I know police are everywhere in the town and even in the street where I live… we have plans so wait, you will see what will happen," a resident of Arusha told the BBC earlier on Tuesday.

"I am scared for my children, if these protests happen, it will create a bad atmosphere. Like now my husband is hospitalised, how am I going to attend to him? I feel protesters should call off plans to move to the streets, we need to live in peace," said a resident of Mwanza in northern Tanzania.

Tanzanian authorities have banned the planned protests and cancelled independence day celebrations, urging citizens to stay indoors.

Meanwhile, in neighbouring Kenya several activists were arrested on Tuesday as they were holding a solidarity protest outside the Tanzanian high commission in the capital, Nairobi.

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cx2e3j819eqo

Girls and women fleeing Mali describe sexual violence by Russian forces

The girl lay in a makeshift health clinic, her eyes glazed over and her mouth open, flies resting on her lips. Her chest barely moved. Drops of fevered sweat trickled down her forehead as medical workers hurried around her, attaching an IV drip.

It was the last moment to save her life, said Bethsabee Djoman Elidje, the women’s health manager, who led the clinic’s effort as the heart monitor beeped rapidly. The girl had an infection after a sexual assault, Elidje said, and had been in shock, untreated, for days.

Her family said the 14-year-old had been raped by Russian fighters who burst into their tent in Mali two weeks earlier. The Russians were members of Africa Corps, a new military unit under Russia’s defense ministry that replaced the Wagner mercenary group six months ago.

The AP learned of the alleged rape and four other alleged cases of sexual violence blamed on Africa Corps fighters, commonly described by Malians as the “white men,” while interviewing dozens of refugees at the border about other abuses such as beheadings and abductions.

Other combatants in Mali have been blamed for sexual assaults. The head of a women’s health clinic in the Mopti area told the AP it had treated 28 women in the last six months who said they had been assaulted by militants with the al-Qaida affiliated JNIM, the most powerful armed group in Mali.

>Speechless after an assault


The aunt of the 14-year-old girl said the Africa Corps fighters marched everyone outside at gunpoint. The family couldn’t understand what they wanted. The men made them watch as they tied up the girl’s uncle and cut off his head.

Then two of the men took the 14-year-old into the tent as she tried to defend herself, and raped her. The family waited outside, unable to move.

“We were so scared that we were not even able to scream anymore,” the aunt recalled, as her mother sobbed quietly next to her. She, like other women, spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation.

The girl emerged over a half-hour later, looking terrified. Then she saw her uncle’s body and screamed. She fainted. When she woke up, she had the eyes of someone “who was no longer there,” the aunt said.

The next morning, JNIM militants came and ordered the family to leave. They piled onto a donkey cart and set off toward the border. At any sound, they hid in the bushes, holding their breath.

The girl’s condition deteriorated during the three-day journey. When they arrived in Mauritania, she collapsed.

The AP came across her lying on the ground in the courtyard of a local family. Her family said they had not taken her to a clinic because they had no money.

“If you have nothing, how can you bring someone to a doctor?” the girl’s grandmother said between sobs. The AP took the family to a free clinic run by MSF. A doctor said the girl had signs of being raped.

The clinic had been functioning for barely a month and had seen three survivors of sexual violence, manager Elidje said.

As Elidje tried to save the girl’s life, she asked the family to describe the incident. She did not speak Arabic and asked the local nurse to find out how many men carried out the assault. But the nurse was too ashamed to ask.

>Scratch marks are part of story she could not tell


Thousands of new refugees from Mali, mostly women and children, have settled just inside Mauritania in recent weeks, in shelters made of fabric and branches. The nearest refugee camp is full, complicating efforts to treat and report sexual assaults.

Two recently arrived women discreetly pulled AP journalists aside, adjusting scarves over their faces. They said they had arrived a week ago after armed white men came to their village.

“They took everything from us. They burned our houses. They killed our husbands,” one said. “But that’s not all they did. They tried to rape us.”

The men entered the house where she was by herself and undressed her, she said, adding that she defended herself “by the grace of Allah.”

As she spoke, the second woman started crying and trembling. She had scratch marks on her neck. She was not capable of telling her story.

“We are still terrified by what we went through,” she said.

Separately, a third woman said that what the white men did to her in Mali last month when she was alone at home “stays between God and me.”

A fourth said she watched several armed white men drag her 18-year-old daughter into their house. She fled and has not seen her daughter again.

>Wagner has a legacy of sexual abuse


Allegations of rapes and other sexual assaults were already occurring before Wagner transformed into Africa Corps.

One refugee told the AP she witnessed a mass rape in her village in March 2024.

“The Wagner group burned seven men alive in front of us with gasoline.” she said. Then they gathered the women and raped them, she said, including her 70-year-old mother.

“After my mother was raped, she couldn’t bear to live,” she said. Her mother died a month later.

In the worst-known case of sexual assault involving Russian fighters in Africa, the U.N. in a 2023 report said at least 58 women and girls had been raped or sexually assaulted in an attack on Moura village by Malian troops and others that witnesses described as “armed white men.”

In response, Mali’s government expelled the U.N. peacekeeping mission. Since then, gathering accurate data on the ground about conflict-related sexual violence has become nearly impossible.

The AP interviewed five of the women from Moura, who now stay in a displacement camp. They said they had been blindfolded and raped for hours by several men.

Three of the women said they hadn’t spoken about it to anyone apart from aid workers. The other two dared to tell their husbands, months later.

“I kept silent with my family for fear of being rejected or looked at differently. It’s shameful,” one said.

The 14-year-old whose family fled to Mauritania is recovering. She said she cannot remember anything since the attack. Her family and MSF said she is speaking to a psychiatrist — one of just six working in the country.

“It seems that conflict over the years gets worse and worse and worse. There is less regard for human life, whether it’s men, women or children,” said MSF’s Molenaar, and broke into tears. “It’s a battle.”

https://apnews.com/article/mali-russia-africa-corps-refugees-rape-assault-28f34205d837dad8a323c3a034f96636

>>2597249
On the one hand it's not like mercenaries are above rape, but on the other this story coming from AP makes me deeply skeptical.

File: 1765836502637.png (922.13 KB, 1206x1632, ClipboardImage.png)


>>2598527
unc just destroyed the youth on god, frfr

uhhhh, BASED?

>>2599606
Malema is a moron.

Bump

Kenya Is Betting Its Economy on Women Willing to Risk It All

>Betty Awino said her boss had beaten and raped her.

>Bigeni Maina worked to provide for her ailing father. When she complained about her 20-hour workdays, her recruiter responded, “That employer bought you.”
>Roselida Salisi said her boss had had the same message, brandishing a pistol and declaring, “I bought you.”
>Amina Mwaita left behind her grocery stand in Kenya. She said she had endured abuse and being called “dog” because she needed the money.
>Winfred Lochio escaped after her boss had raped and threatened to kill her. “No one will even know you existed,” she said he had told her.
>Brenda Odhiambo fled to the Kenyan Embassy but said diplomats there had insulted her and sent her away.
>Pauline Kariuki said her boss had raped and impregnated her. Her family sold land to pay her way home. She gave birth the day she returned.
>Hannah Ngugi’s cesarean-section incision reopened while cleaning. She turned to social media for medical care and a ticket home. Her recruiter blamed her, calling her lazy.

To revive his country’s struggling economy, Kenya’s president, William Ruto, wants to send one million workers abroad each year. He portrays this labor migration as a national service.

Everywhere we looked, people who were supposed to protect workers were instead profiting off them. A top lawmaker on Kenya’s parliamentary labor committee. Members of Mr. Ruto’s government. His political allies. Even his wife and his daughter, whose records show are the largest shareholders in the staffing industry’s dominant insurance company.

Mr. Ruto’s government has made it faster, cheaper and easier to send women abroad. Kenya has a labor deal with Saudi Arabia that keeps wages low and worker protections at a minimum. All of this makes the business more profitable for the staffing companies and the politicians who own them.

When we asked about specific cases of abuse, industry leaders and even members of Mr. Ruto’s government blamed the women. 'Kenya’s most prominent staffing-industry lobbyist compared women to dogs. Alfred N. Mutua, Kenya’s labor secretary, told us that Kenyan women had been beaten because they had bad attitudes.'

Hundreds of Kenyan single mothers are stranded in Saudi Arabia, unable to return home because their children cannot obtain birth certificates. Giving birth outside marriage is effectively illegal, and the Saudi authorities offer no public path for single mothers to get birth certificates for their children. Saudi officials say the Kenyan Embassy is responsible.

Many mothers told us that Kenyan diplomats had insulted them or turned them away. Women told us that one embassy official had demanded money and sex. We found out that, despite years of complaints, the government kept him in a job working with migrant women in distress.

Unlike the Philippines, which has secured better protections for its workers abroad, Kenya has made little progress. Government officials and recruitment agencies argue that if they demanded higher wages for their workers, employers would simply shift to other countries.

https://archive.is/sJrq0

>>2599790
You're a moron.

Escape From the Abyss: Surviving the Atrocities in El Fasher

>Only days before El Fasher fell to the R.S.F., Manahil Ishaq, 35, sent her 14-year-old son, Rami, out to look for some food. Rami was not gone long before he was critically wounded in an explosion, his mother said. Neighbors brought him back to the family home.


>“He couldn’t speak or say anything,” Ms. Ishaq recalled. “His belly was out and his bones were fractured.”


>As more fighting erupted, Ms. Ishaq, who was three months pregnant at the time, prepared to flee. Rami was still alive, she said, but she knew he would not survive his wounds.


>“I told him that I wished him forgiveness and well-being, in this life and the hereafter,” she recalled telling him.


>Then she left.


The capture of the city of El Fasher in late October marked a bloody milestone in the nearly three-year conflict in Sudan. The Rapid Support Forces, the paramilitary group battling the Sudanese Army in a catastrophic civil war, took control of El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur State in western Sudan, handing the R.S.F. almost total control of the region.

As it tore through the city, the R.S.F. embarked on a killing spree. Aid groups reported widespread accounts of rape and sexual violence.

The United Nations’ migration agency estimates that 100,000 people have fled El Fasher since its collapse. That would leave more than 150,000 people still unaccounted for.

No one knows the true toll of the massacre, and the city remains closed to the outside world, although some aid has started to reach other parts of Darfur. One of the few ways to report on the siege is by traveling to refugee camps in eastern Chad, now home to about 900,000 displaced Sudanese from Darfur and other parts of the country.

While sitting outside the dusty, rundown hospital of Oure Cassoni refugee camp in eastern Chad, Ms. Ishaq said her brother was killed as the family fled. Ms. Ishaq said she was shot in the back by a sniper.

Miraculously, the baby she is carrying survived, and she reached the camp with her other children.

Adjusting to the harsh conditions of the camp has not offered her much relief. Oure Cassoni is one of the most remote camps in Chad. It was founded by the government of Chad in 2004, when tens of thousands of people fled Darfur to escape mass killings led by the Janjaweed, the militia that became the precursor to the Rapid Support Forces.

The camp has doubled in size over the past year, but support from Chad and international aid have not kept pace with its needs.

Mustafa said he and four of his friends, all in their late teens and twenties, knew they had to leave El Fasher.

He recalled watching four members of his neighbor’s family be executed by R.S.F. fighters as the group took over the city. He requested that only his first name be used for fear of his safety.

Mustafa and his friends made a plan to leave under cover of darkness. But they did not get far before they were captured by R.S.F. troops near the village of Qarni, he said. He and his friends were lined up and questioned.

Two of his friends asked for food and water. Instead, their captors shot and killed them, Mustafa said.

“We were frightened,” he said. “They told us, ‘Calm down, we are not going to kill you.’”

He and his friends were tied to a tree and left there for two days until local villagers untied them and told them to run. Three survived and made it to the camp. Mustafa stayed in Oure Cassoni. His two friends went on to Libya.

Hussam Altaher grimaced as doctors at the small hospital in Oure Cassoni cleaned the wound on his leg. While sitting at home with his father and cousins in El Fasher in late August, Mr. Altaher suddenly heard a drone overhead.

“I recognized it because we had heard the sound many times before. Moments later, the bomb fell directly on our house,” he said. His father and cousins were killed instantly, and Mr. Altaher was badly injured.

He spent the next two months in Al Saudi maternity hospital, the last functioning hospital in El Fasher. Doctors struggled to give him proper care because they lacked basic medicine.

Mr. Altaher was still unable to walk by the time El Fasher fell to the paramilitary group. His mother, who had been by his side at the hospital, secured a donkey cart to help them escape on Oct. 26.

‘’’Two days later, more than 400 patients were reportedly massacred at Al Saudi by R.S.F. troops, according to the World Health Organization.’’’

Mr. Altaher and his mother were detained by R.S.F. fighters as they fled. “They demanded 20 million Sudanese pounds to let us go,” he said.

Relatives outside of Sudan paid the steep ransom, roughly $5,600.

Before reaching permanent camps like Oure Cassoni, many Sudanese pass through Tine, a small border town about 100 miles south in Chad.

Several hundred refugees gathered in Tine in late November. Among them were two young men: Ali Ishag, in a wheelchair, and his friend Yahia Rizig.

Mr. Ishag had lost a leg in an airstrike on his family home in El Fasher last year, he said. The same attack killed his entire family.

When it became clear that the city would fall, Mr. Ishag and Mr. Rizig looked for a way out. They decided to leave at night, only days before the city was captured.

“We’re like bats, have to move only at night. If they find you in the morning, they will cut you,” said Mr. Rizig, recalling their escape. Mr. Ishag was unable to walk quickly enough on crutches, so Mr. Rizig carried his friend out of the city on his back.

Having reached Chad, they planned to pass through Tine to a more permanent camp farther west. As a convoy of trucks prepared to depart, Mr. Rizig once again lifted his friend to embark on the next part of their journey away from Darfur.

https://archive.is/lJOet

Over 1,000 Were Killed in Attack on Famine-Stricken Camp in Sudan, U.N. Says

Paramilitaries in Sudan killed over 1,000 people, one-third of them in summary executions, in an attack in April against a famine-stricken camp for displaced people, the United Nations human rights body said on Thursday.

The revised toll was over three times as great as earlier estimates from one of the most notorious episodes of Sudan’s atrocity-filled civil war.

The slaughter occurred over three days in April in the western region of Darfur as R.S.F. fighters seized control of the sprawling Zamzam camp, the largest in Sudan. At the time, about 500,000 people were estimated to live in the camp.

Most residents fled. In the report published on Thursday, the United Nations said its investigators had since documented the killing of 1,013 people, 319 of whom were summarily executed. In one incident, fighters killed the entire staff of the largest medical clinic in the camp. They also set homes on fire and carried out widespread sexual violence.

The United Nations said in its report that it had documented 104 cases of sexual assault — against 75 women, 26 girls and three boys, mostly from the Zaghawa ethnic group.

The United Arab Emirates has ramped up its support for the R.S.F. even as it has repeatedly denied providing any assistance to the group, according to Western officials and analysts who follow the crisis. At the same time, Emirati officials are stepping up efforts to present themselves as peace brokers in Sudan, meeting and posing for photos with the same American, European and United Nations officials who have decried R.S.F. atrocities.

Advanced Chinese-made drones, most likely supplied by the Emirates, are playing a significant role in those gains, Western officials and military analysts say.

https://archive.is/Sj1Y3

<btw the current president of chad is aslo from the zaghawa ethnicity

<back in 2023 the uae offered him a billion dollars for his cooperation and afterwards the chadian city of amdjarass became the connecting stop over of emirati flights smuggling weapons to sudan from uganda

Merry Christmas my fellow Africans ♡

why is djibouti so poor and undeveloped despite all the money it gets from hosting military bases and serving as a port for ethiopia?

>>2612628
Um sweaty, we celebrate Ganna and it's on Jan 7.

Congo man pays tribute to Patrice Lumumba by dressing like him and standing motionless as a statue throughout the entire football match, every time.

Guinea junta chief wins presidential election by landslide

Guinea's junta chief Gen Mamady Doumbouya has won the presidential election by a landslide, getting 86.7% of the vote, according to provisional results published by the election commission.

A civil society group calling for the return of civilian rule has condemned the election as a "charade" after Gen Doumbouya's main rivals were barred from contesting, while opposition candidates said the poll was marred by irregularities.

On Monday, internet monitoring group NetBlocks reported that access to social media platforms TikTok, YouTube and Facebook had been restricted as Guineans waited for the full results.

The 41-year-old general's victory gives him a seven-year mandate. Should the results be challenged, the Supreme Court has eight days to validate them.

After overthrowing then-83-year-old President Alpha Condé in 2021, Gen Doumbouya promised not to seek election and to hand power to a civilian.

"Neither I nor any member of this transition will be a candidate for anything… As soldiers, we value our word very much," he said at the time.

The junta leader broke his promise by putting his name on the ballot after a new constitution, implemented in September, permitted him to run for office.

However, a civil society group, the National Front for the Defence of the Constitution, said in a statement on Monday that the turnout was low.

"A huge majority of Guineans chose to boycott the electoral charade," the National Front for the Defence of the Constitution was quoted as saying by the AFP news agency.

Although he is popular with many of Guinea's youth, Gen Doumbouya has been criticised for restricting opposition activities, banning protests and stifling press freedom in the run-up to the elections.

The general justified deposing Condé on similar charges - including rampant corruption, disregard for human rights and economic mismanagement.

Guinea has the world's largest bauxite reserves and some of its richest iron ore. Last month, authorities launched the gigantic Simandou iron-ore mine to widespread anticipation.

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cx2520nyp8yo

What do you think of Ishowspeed's tour in Africa?

[Long Read]

The emerging sub-imperial role of the United Arab Emirates in Africa

>Over the past decades, the UAE has invested close to $60 billion in African countries, making it the fourth-largest foreign direct investor on the continent, after China, the European Union (EU) and the United States. In the last two years alone, the UAE has pledged $97 billion in new investments in Africa, which is three times more than China’s commitments.


>At the core of the UAE’s geopolitical strategy is its focus on acquiring port concessions that encircle the African continent, positioning the UAE to dominate global trade routes around Africa. Along with these port developments, the UAE is building logistical hubs and supply chain infrastructures deep within Africa. The two major players in this strategy are AD Ports Group, whose majority shareholder is the Abu Dhabi Developmental Holding Company (ADQ), a sovereign wealth fund (SWF), and DP World, which is fully owned by the Dubai government through its parent company, Port and Free Zone World FZE.


>The UAE has acquired agricultural land in Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Morocco, Namibia, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Uganda and Tanzania. These investments, often extractive in nature, have significant impacts on local populations and ecosystems. In many cases, water-intensive crops such as alfalfa are grown to feed livestock in the UAE and Saudi Arabia, illustrating that these activities constitute not only landgrabs but also water grabs. The large-scale production of crops, fruits, vegetables and livestock often results in the depletion of local resources, leading to food insecurity and environmental degradation for the host countries.


>The UAE has also acquired vast tracts of land in Africa for use in the emerging carbon economy. After purchasing carbon credits, ostensibly generated from preserving forests, the UAE sells these credits to companies seeking to offset their emissions.


>In recent years, the UAE has become increasingly active in securing mining deals across various African countries, particularly in Angola, DRC, Zambia and Zimbabwe. These investments have focused on critical minerals such as cobalt, copper, graphite, lithium and nickel.


>The UAE’s involvement in the gold trade has raised significant concerns. Dubai, in particular, serves as the world’s second-largest gold importer and the main destination for gold mined in African countries. Notably, Dubai imports more gold from countries that produce relatively small amounts of the metal, such as Rwanda and Uganda, and reports higher gold import values than are declared as exports by these countries. This discrepancy has led to allegations that Dubai has become a hub for gold smuggling and money laundering through its gold markets and refineries.


https://www.tni.org/en/article/the-emerging-sub-imperial-role-of-the-united-arab-emirates-in-africa

from newsanon's thread

UN team enters Sudanese city of El Fasher after paramilitary massacre: ‘It’s like a ghost town’

The UN team members were the first external witnesses to arrive at the epicenter of the tragedy. What they found was a destroyed and deserted city as well as abandoned villages nearby, triggering serious concerns for the civilians who remain there and for those missing. In August, the UN estimated the town’s population at around 260,000 people, of whom about 100,000 fled after the RSF seized the site. So far, no one has been able to confirm the whereabouts or wellbeing of tens of thousands of missing residents.

The situation witnessed on the ground is consistent with what has been indicated by the satellite imagery. In November, HRL did not identify activities that suggested a significant civilian presence in El Fasher. There were no signs of daily life, such as transport, commercial movement or people gathering for water. In the city’s markets, weeds had sprung up.

https://english.elpais.com/international/2026-01-05/un-team-enters-sudanese-city-of-el-fasher-after-paramilitary-massacre-its-like-a-ghost-town.html

Dubai Ports World: UAE’s Tentacles Monopolizing Maritime Trade

>In 2013, Djibouti sought to further develop Doraleh and better capitalize on its port's potential. However, DP World refused to invest in any new developments and insisted on maintaining its near-exclusive rights within the country. The negotiations initiated by Djibouti ultimately stalled, and DP World was determined to keep Djibouti’s role in the import-export market limited, primarily to serve the vast Ethiopian market.


>In February 2018, frustrated by DP World’s intransigence, and its disregard for the country’s strategic and sovereign concerns, Djiboutian authorities decided to expel the multinational from the Doraleh Container Terminal (DCT). This led to years of lawsuits; the Emirati company has secured multiple legal victories - notably from the London Court of International Arbitration (LCIA) - yet without any meaningful resolution for either side. This ongoing legal saga highlights the role that arbitration bodies play in favor of corporate interests and are notoriously difficult to enforce.


>Aware of the risks involved in over-relying on the Djiboutian port as a gateway to the Horn of Africa, DP World decided to set up shop in Berbera, Somaliland, on the outskirts of Doraleh. The Somali government accused DP World of threatening its territorial integrity by signing a partnership agreement with the self-declared secessionist government of Somaliland, without involving the central government.


>In Tanzania, DP World’s operations have come to be seen as a direct confrontation with the public rather than the state. In 2023, the company signed an agreement with the Tanzanian government to manage the Port of Dar es Salaam, triggering widespread criticism. Numerous political officials and civil society groups argued that the deal prioritized the company’s interests over those of Tanzania and its citizens, viewing it as part of a broader trend of the “foreignization” of national resources.


>One particularly contentious aspect of the agreement was its failure to specify the duration of the investment, which many interpreted as effectively indefinite. Additionally, critics raised concerns over clauses requiring Tanzania to obtain DP World’s consent to terminate the agreement or to develop other ports in the country. This stipulation was seen as especially problematic, given Tanzania’s ongoing efforts to expand and develop several key ports, including Tanga, Mtwara, Kilwa, and Mwanza.


https://en.al-akhbar.com/news/dubai-ports-world--uae-s-tentacles-monopolizing-maritime-tra

>>2621935
kkkringe

>>2634716
Explain please

>>2634748
iShowspeed love is forced af. He is retarded and he is making a whole generation retarded.

Is Africa unironically the region with the most revolutionary potential?

Senegal's oil production exceeds initial projections in 2025

Senegal's oil production reached 36.1 million barrels of crude oil in 2025, exceeding the initial targets set for the year, the Ministry of Energy, Petroleum and Mines announced on Wednesday.

https://english.news.cn/africa/20260108/ffb3e752746243db8f1f26d26ac9e07b/c.html

How Djibouti Became a Battleground Between the UAE and National Sovereignty

In a series of unusually candid remarks, Guelleh leveled direct accusations at Abu Dhabi, claiming it is seeking to assert control over his country’s resources through financial leverage and strategic contracts, describing the Emirati approach as a form of “disguised colonialism.”

The dispute over the Doraleh port, Guelleh suggested, is merely one piece of a far broader project — a campaign aimed at dominating ports and maritime corridors across East Africa.

https://www.alestiklal.net/en/article/how-djibouti-became-a-battleground-between-the-uae-and-national-sovereignty

DP World setback in Djibouti port saga

The Dubai logistics company’s claim against Port de Djibouti has been rejected, but its billion-dollar battle over control of the Doraleh Container Port continues against the state and its Chinese business partner.

https://www.africanlawbusiness.com/news/dp-world-setback-in-djibouti-port-saga/

>>2637143
Unfortunately, no.

File: 1768194212100.jpg (298.7 KB, 920x1423, mace.jpg)

did you guys know the parliament of ghana has this cool golden mace with an eagle and adinkra symbols on it as the embodiment of parliament's authority?

https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Sankofa-series-The-Mace-parliament-s-symbol-of-authority-which-is-kept-in-BoG-s-custody-upon-House-s-dissolution-1919708

File: 1768194368722.jpg (104.61 KB, 729x1024, 15847.jpg)



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