/leftypol/ - Leftist Politically Incorrect

>>2335591
I met a girl who looked vaguely brown and I asked where she was from and she said Mozambique, she's mixed and went on a tangent about how her white family members were part of the anti-colonial movement and showed photos of them with Samora Machel, Mandela, Castro and Honecker, nothing else interesting I just think the concept of a white person who was born in, is a citizen of and representing "Mozambique" to be really funny, been going down a rabbithole about the nation.

>>2558461

Settler descendants integrating into their 'postcolonial' African societies & governments is not totally uncommon. Vidrelated.

>>2558475
To be fair Mozambique is probably one of the few African nations to ever actually decolonise in the sense that it has very little European presence in the nation, there's a small number of troops training them against ISIS but aside from that most assets are owned by either the government or South African companies, and even then that number is quite low, they immediately nationalised all land and industry upon independence and even after colonisation most assets (such as almost all land) remain under government control. There was a brief period where it looked like Wagner might've gotten a foothold in the country but they were expelled around 2021.
Angola is a different story, they treated the whites much harsher after independence unless they were apart of the MPLA, but then Dos Santos' liberalisation campaign in the 90s-2000s caused something like half a million Portuguese to migrate to Angola in the early 2000s and now all the businesses in the capital are owned by them, still not as bad as Francophone Africa since it's not the Poor-tuguese government owning shit but still pretty sad lol

>>2558461
supposedly mestiços (mixed race ppl) make up a significant part of the elite in angola

>>2558482
Not as common as in Angola since Portuguese presence was lower and only started picking up in the 50s and 60s but yeah Angola has it pretty bad, look up Isabel dos Santos for more information

>>2558484
really? it seems to me that angola has been much more profoundly affected by portuguese colonization. portuguese is actually the native language of a large portion of the population, including most people in the cities and the country is largely roman catholic which is not the case in mozambique.

>>2558484
and yes i know about isabel dos santos but she's mixed from the cold war era

>>2558481
do all the europeans still live there after oil prices dropped?

>>2558486
No no I meant to say Mozambique doesn't have as big of a problem with white and mixed elites as in Angola, it's actually weird, in Mozambique whites who didn't flee were generally regarded as being loyal to the nation, so weren't treated very differently (the few that remained anyway), and it didn't have as large of white immigration in the 2000s, basically just ones who fled for fear of retribution returning, there's about 60k white citizens in Mozambique, whereas in Angola, whites were barely tolerated after independence, but they were much more common in the MPLA than in FRELIMO (they even had a white acting president after the first one died) but when it liberalised so many came back, a lot for business reasons rather than familial or cultural desires, so it created an elite there. Also the first two presidents of Angola had snowbunny fever look it up lol

>>2558492
Most of them are business owners so they did actually stay from what I've read, the MPLA doesn't give a fuck and they're probably worse than even the ANC in terms of corruption.

>>2558498
>Also the first two presidents of Angola had snowbunny fever look it up lol
i know. there's been quite a lot of african presidents with non-african wives or mixed race presidents…

>>2558481
>and now all the businesses in the capital are owned by them
is there more information on this?

>>2547913
>Now burgers are talking about invading Nigeria. I wonder why.
I don't think we will but the purported plight of Nigerian Christians is apparently a huge thing with Evangelical Christians over here. I can only assume there's a lot of missionary work from American churches in Nigeria and some kind of alliance with political forces in Nigeria, and I don't know the details (although it's worth exploring), but at any rate far more Nigerian Muslims have been killed by jihadis than Christians. It's a thing in Evangelical Christian media like CBN which is an Evangelical network. I think Trump threatening to invade Nigeria to save the Christians is a way of him demonstrating to his Evangelical base that he's /their guy/

You have to remember that Evangelicals think of themselves as a persecuted minority under a worldwide attack by the devil and his minions. It sounds crazy but these people believe that.

>>2558774
Ha… yeah. The media in the U.S. doesn't cover Africa much at all, and there's a racist component to that, but it's also that their own viewers don't care and will change the channel. But the Christians do pay attention because they're invested heavily in their missionary ventures. I've probably lost count of how many times I've met an Evangelical and they mentioned one of their family members was in Africa on some gospel adventure. Or Mormons.

>>2558769
The locals here told me, we dont care if the US bombs the muslims, in fact they should bomb them but we dont want the US invading.

R8

Kenyan Workers Get Abused Abroad. The President’s Family and Allies Profit.

The reports were piling in, one worse than the next. Kenyan maids working in Saudi Arabia had their passports confiscated, wages denied and food withheld. Some were beaten by their bosses for offenses as minor as not knowing how to operate a washing machine. Others were killed.

Instead of demanding that the Saudi government protect these women, President William Ruto of Kenya pledged to send even more workers to Saudi Arabia, more quickly and less prepared than before. And he instituted policies that made it more profitable for employment companies to do just that.

But today in Kenya, a New York Times investigation found, Mr. Ruto’s government functions as an arm of a staffing industry that sends poor workers abroad in droves. Politicians started their own employment companies to capitalize on the boom, and the government rolled back worker protections, maximizing industry profits.

Even Mr. Ruto’s family makes money. His wife and daughter are the largest shareholders of the staffing industry’s major insurance company, records show.

Lots of developing nations send workers to the Persian Gulf. Mr. Ruto’s government has built an entire economic policy around it. He proudly notes that remittances are now a bigger share of Kenya’s economy than tea and coffee, historically its most important exports.

Other nations have successfully pressed Saudi Arabia for stronger worker protections and increased wages. Kenya has not. Mr. Ruto’s government has positioned Kenyans as among the cheapest, least-protected workers in the marketplace.

Top officials play down clear evidence of abuse and blame Kenyan women for bringing violence upon themselves. Leading politicians treat any questions about mistreatment as obstacles to Mr. Ruto’s economic ambitions.

The government and the industry are so intertwined that employment companies work out of government buildings. Top officials dole out foreign jobs as chits for political allies to give to constituents. A group of maids recently sued the government over their mistreatment, a lawsuit that could be handled by the solicitor general, who owns a staffing company himself.

The government’s top spokesman owns a staffing company, too. He did not respond to a request for comment.

Abuse of Kenyans in Saudi Arabia has been documented for years. Women have been beaten, raped, locked indoors and thrown from balconies. Abusers often go unpunished. The Kenyan Parliament has debated how better to protect them. But employment companies have persuaded the government to scale back the already scant protections.

“We want to ensure that you do a lot of business, properly and quickly,” Mr. Mutua told recruiters at a private meeting last year, according to notes taken by an attendee. “You will have a lot of money.”

Mr. Mutua once declared that corruption in the staffing industry contributed to abuse in Saudi Arabia. “We have to break the cartels and streamline the agencies, some of which are owned by prominent Kenyans,” he said in 2022, when he was foreign minister.

Now that he oversees foreign labor, Mr. Mutua blames Kenyans for their own abuse, calling them insufficiently submissive. “They have an entitlement and attitude culture,” he told The Times in an interview.

In fact, records show that roughly one in 10 registered staffing companies in Kenya is owned by a current or former official or political figure, many with connections to Mr. Ruto’s party. Lobbyists say that figure is an undercount because many politicians conceal their ownership.

Kenyan staffing companies make money by recruiting workers and selling their contracts to Saudi agencies, which assign them to jobs.

Francis Wahome, chairman of the Association of Skilled Migrant Agencies of Kenya, the largest industry group, said that women brought abuse upon themselves by being insufficiently servile. He denied that women had been thrown from buildings. Rather, he said, they try to escape their employers by rappelling from windows using bedsheets — then fall because they misjudge the height.

“You know women,” he said. “They don’t know how to calculate.”

As for why they were locked indoors in the first place: “You close the door for your dog,” he said. “Because it’s your property.”

>Parliament proposed stricter rules. Mr. Ruto’s government relaxed them.

Hannah Njeri Ngugi, a 36-year-old mother from rural Kenya, had never used electric kitchen appliances before arriving in Saudi Arabia as a housekeeper in 2021. She’d been taught no Arabic, so she could not understand her boss’s instructions. Frustrated, her employer threatened to beat her. She understood that much, she said.

While she was cleaning house, Ms. Ngugi’s cesarean-section incision reopened. When her boss and the Saudi staffing agency denied her care, she had no idea who to call or what her rights were. She returned home for treatment only after activists publicized her case and bought her a plane ticket.

Her supervisor at a Saudi Arabian staffing agency, in an interview, blamed Ms. Ngugi for the ordeal, saying she refused to work.

In 2022, the year that Ms. Ngugi returned home, a government watchdog declared that Kenya’s mandatory training program was insufficient and too easy for recruiters to evade. The report said inadequate training was “an enabling factor for abuse of migrant workers.”

Lawmakers proposed a bill requiring comprehensive training — and mandating jail for recruiters who evaded it. After years of abuse, it seemed like things might change.

But Mr. Ruto, the newly elected president, had other plans. He had been deputy president for a decade as efforts to increase labor migration took shape. Now he wanted to open the spigot.

He announced a deal in late 2023 to send 500,000 workers to Saudi Arabia. His goal, he ultimately said, was to send one million workers overseas annually.

Kenyan recruiters stood to make millions. They made about $1,000 for every worker sent to Saudi Arabia, industry lobbyists said. But they spent about $200 to meet the government’s 26-day training requirement. Additional training would cut into profits.

Last year, as Parliament considered the labor bill, a committee report acknowledged that workers were being mistreated. It encouraged the Ruto administration to develop a version of the bill that it could support.

Instead, the government withdrew the bill. And Mr. Mutua announced that no additional training was necessary. The government even cut the requirement to 14 days or less. It capped training fees at around $100 per worker.

In June, amid protests over corruption and unemployment, Mr. Ruto said the answer was more foreign jobs. Labor migration, he declared, is “part of nation building.”

Mr. Mutua said that political ties to the industry had no bearing on government policy. He said workers were better trained than ever and that the government would send an additional labor attaché to help Kenyans in Saudi Arabia.

He cited an innovation: a simulated Saudi home in Kenya, where would-be housekeepers can learn.

>Kenya markets its workers as a low-cost option.

Mr. Ruto is not simply sending people into high-risk working environments beyond his control. His government has a say in the working conditions for Kenyans in Saudi Arabia.

That’s because Saudi Arabia sets different employment standards for people of different nationalities. The kingdom negotiates with each country individually.

A Filipino live-in maid in Saudi Arabia, for example, makes about $400 a month and, in emergencies, can get a rescue team, a safe house and a return home.

The Kenyan government presents its workers as a lower-cost alternative. Live-in Kenyan housekeepers make about $240 a month, a figure that Kenya has not renegotiated in seven years.

In cases of abuse, workers are guaranteed nothing. Often, they are shunted between the police, their recruiters and the Kenyan Embassy in Riyadh, the Saudi capital. Some end up homeless.

“The suggestion that Kenya should ‘push’ other nations misrepresents how international labor diplomacy works,” Mr. Mutua said. “No country can compel another to adopt specific terms.”

Forbes Global Agencies, for example, advertised 2,100 Saudi jobs in late October. At the going rate, Forbes stood to receive more than $2 million for those jobs. Forbes’ co-owner is a member of Parliament named Fabian Kyule Muli, an ally of Mr. Ruto and a member of his governing coalition.

Mr. Ruto’s family has a stake in the industry. Recruiters are required to carry insurance to cover the costs of bringing workers home in emergencies. Mr. Mburu, the lobbyist, said that the government steered recruiters to buy policies from a company called Africa Merchant Assurance. Mr. Ruto’s family has a stake in the industry. Recruiters are required to carry insurance to cover the costs of bringing workers home in emergencies. Mr. Mburu, the lobbyist, said that the government steered recruiters to buy policies from a company called Africa Merchant Assurance.

https://archive.is/kv4ug

>>2571472
that niger pipeline wowed me

>>2571472
Yesterday two locals in Port Harcourt told me the French are criminals but are gone. Now it's Russia and China that are there. And that's why Trump is sperging, he also wants in. The chinese built everything, like roads and a rail in Lagos. The chinese own everything.

But those locals weren't stupid, they expected the Chinese to also turn shit. At least they accept the local currency and built some stuff.

But I like how they said that basically the French are gone.

>>2572104
why would the french be in nigeria?

New sahel coup just dropped this time in Guinea Bissau

>>2572542
French companies were and are in Nigeria

>>2574264
ackshually that's no longer the sahel

What's happening in Guinea boys.

military officers in control of country

>>2574325
what do they want

Guinea status?

>>2574325
I wonder why the drug traffickers didn't choose equatorial guinea instead? It's a Spanish speaking African country and I'm assuming the drug trafficking organizations are largely from Latin America. Or maybe they're there already and I just don't know?

The UAE is buying the West's silence over its 'race war' in Sudan, says top general

Lieutenant General Yasser al-Atta, a member of Sudan’s governing Sovereignty Council and the military’s second in command, told journalists that UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed has launched a race war against the Sudanese people.

“They entered people’s houses in Khartoum and other cities. They loot and destroy everything: hospitals, electricity, water supply, everything that keeps people alive,” he said.

But Atta said the “world has been silent regarding all the RSF has done in Sudan” despite “social media and technological tools” which enabled the paramilitaries’ crimes to be seen and understood.

The reason, stated Atta, is that “this silence was bought by the power of the UAE’s money”.

“As a result of the world not watching, mercenaries were imported to our country and the UAE were allowed to do it,” he said.

MEE has previously detailed how the UAE has transported Colombian mercenaries to the RSF through an air base in Somalia.

Atta said the paramilitaries have hired fighters from as far afield as Ukraine, too, as well as African countries such as Niger, Mali, Chad and South Sudan.

Before the war, there was ample evidence that the RSF had close ties with Russia’s Wagner Group.

According to Atta, the collapse of the Wagner Group following the death of its founder Yevgeny Prigozhin in an air crash two years ago has opened up new recruitment options for the RSF.

Most recently, he stated, the RSF has brought in recruits from Somaliland.

>Somalia and the UAE

For years, the United Arab Emirates has provided financial assistance to Mogadishu and trained Somali soldiers to combat armed groups such as al-Shabab.

But this relationship has darkened significantly in recent years, as the UAE has aided and abetted regional administrations like Puntland and Somaliland, which have designs on splitting away from Somalia.

Mogadishu maintains control over Somali airspace and authorises all flights into the country, but it has no authority over Bosaso’s port and airport.

Despite the uneasy relationship that exists between Hassan Sheikh, Somalia’s president, and the UAE’s Mohammed bin Zayed, the government in Mogadishu has not openly confronted Abu Dhabi over its military activities in Puntland.

“Mogadishu is unable to object, given that it is unprepared to counter the UAE’s expanding influence,” said Abdirashid Muse, a regional analyst and critic of the UAE’s activities in the Horn of Africa.

Puntland’s state president, Said Abdullahi Deni, is widely regarded as a close ally of the UAE, largely due to the financial support that could strengthen both his administration and his political ambitions.

>A history of violence

In recent weeks, greater global scrutiny has been placed on the RSF and the UAE’s backing of it after the paramilitaries stormed el-Fasher on 26 October and launched a killing spree.

But Atta was keen to stress that the RSF has committed numerous atrocities beyond the slaughter in el-Fasher, drawing attention to rampages in al-Jazira state south of Khartoum.

“There are many small villages in al-Jazira and in those villages hundreds were being killed,” he said.

An attack on al-Seriha village in October 2024 is reported to have killed around 100 people.

Sudanese in al-Tekeina, another village in al-Jazira, told MEE that the RSF killed more than 50 of its residents as they successfully fought off the paramilitaries.

The RSF, Atta said, “are killing more and more people just to make sure they do not exist”.

He told MEE that the number of civilians massacred in el-Fasher has now risen to 32,000, with more killed every day “according to ethnicity and race”.

Last week, Darfur Governor Minnie Minnawi told MEE that the number had reached 27,000.

The Rapid Support Forces grew out of militias known as the Janjaweed that the Sudanese military and government under former president Omar al-Bashir used to fight rebel movements in Darfur 20 years ago.

Those rebels were rising up against the central government in protest at the marginalisation and discrimination of Black Sudanese. The mostly Arab Janjaweed targeted Black communities as they rampaged across Darfur in a conflict that has been described as the 21st century’s first genocide.

Janjaweed fighters, drawn principally from traditionally nomadic Arab tribesmen, also used the conflict as an opportunity to drive Sudanese - most often from Black African ethnicities - from their land.

“If you are from a non-Arab or SAF-supporting tribe they will shoot you and kill you directly,” Atta said.

“Those people who try to escape, the RSF will follow them and kill them on the road.”

An Emirati 'project'

At the start of the dinner, which was facilitated by the Al Arabiya production company, Atta, a veteran of four decades in the Sudanese army with a background in intelligence work, told journalists: “I am going to be very honest and direct. I am a straightforward person.”

Answering through a translator, he accused the Abu Dhabi ruler Mohammed bin Zayed of planning to drive African tribes out of Sudan.

He said that a source in Dubai warned him a year before the war started that Mohammed bin Zayed often referred to the RSF leader Mohammed Hamdan Daglo - popularly known as Hemedti - as the “prince of Sudan”.

Atta claimed that the UAE president had personally approved a strategic plan to rid Sudan of its African tribes.

He told journalists that the “project” entails a massive programme of relocation and ethnic cleansing, with northern Sudanese people and Nubian tribes pushed into Egypt.

The project, according to the general, also envisages the expulsion of southern Nuba tribes and others from South Kordofan and Blue Nile states to South Sudan.

Atta said that, according to Sudanese intelligence, the UAE has established a chain of command in Abu Dhabi to manage logistics, media and the supply of armaments to the RSF in Sudan.

Before the meeting with Atta, the Sudanese army took journalists to a military base that had become a graveyard of destroyed RSF armoured vehicles. Some, officers said, had been supplied by the UAE.

The military equipment, said Sudanese officers, was either flown in from Chad or Somalia or came overland through Libya.

These vehicles, they claimed, were often hidden inside mosques or public buildings to avoid destruction by the Sudanese air force.

Atta told reporters that one explanation for the Emirati intervention might be that “UAE wants gold, or land for agriculture or land for minerals”.

But he said Sudan has always been “open to investment”.

“No, we think what the UAE really wants is a race decision. The Sudan they see is an Arab land without non-Arabs,” he said.

“The RSF is just a tool in the hands of the Emirates,” he added, highlighting the many Emirati interventions in countries across the Middle East and North Africa.

“The United Arab Emirates is an enemy. They have damaged or destroyed the Arab world and the entire region we are living in. The UAE is behind the problems in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen and other countries.”

Some of those countries, Atta said, were “exchanging information” with the Sudanese military about Emirati activities.

Since the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011, the UAE has sought to project its power across the region by bolstering friendly autocratic governments and combating champions of democracy and political Islam.

Much like in Sudan, it has also backed secessionists and militias in states like Libya, Somalia and Yemen, leading to huge upheaval and instability.

The Sudanese conflict erupted over plans to fold the RSF into the regular military, which would have significantly weakened Hemedti and the influence of the UAE.

In a rare light moment, the general mocked the narrative spread by RSF supporters that “Burhan is Muslim Brotherhood and Atta is a communist”.

“They tell the Turks we are communists and Qataris we are extremists. We don’t know who we are at the moment: communist or Brotherhood,” he joked.

>A new basis for negotiations

Assessing the current military situation, Atta claimed that the number of RSF fighters had been reduced from 100,000 to 23,000 since the war began.

But, he warned, “they have the direct support of the UAE”.

“We believe in peace. We are not warmongers. We want a solution based on justice and fairness,” he said - insisting, however, that “we will not accept any peace that will make room for the Emirates”.

Significantly, he also ruled out any involvement in negotiations of US senior advisor for Arab and African affairs, Massad Boulos.

https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/uae-buying-wests-silence-over-its-race-war-sudan-says-top-general

The kidnap gangs, jihadists and separatists wreaking havoc in Nigeria

Nigeria is currently grappling with a spate of mass abductions. But the vast country - bigger than France and Germany combined - also faces many other security challenges.

Recent attempts by US President Donald Trump and his supporters to frame the insecurity purely as the persecution of Christians overlooks the complexity of Africa's most-populous nation.

There are more than 250 ethnic groups in Nigeria, which is roughly divided into a mainly Muslim north, a largely Christian south, with intermingling in the middle - and the government says people of all faiths have been victims of attacks.

There are criminal gangs in the north-west, an Islamist insurgency in the north-east, clashes over land in central regions and separatist unrest in the south-east - leaving the 400,000-strong army and the police force of 370,000 officers overstretched.

Here's a breakdown of the main armed groups and flashpoints:

Bandits' - kidnap gangs

These criminal gangs, known locally as "bandits", are largely composed of people from the Fulani ethnic group, who traditionally make their living by raising animals. They have traded their pastoral tools for assault rifles, which have flooded Nigeria - and other states in the region - since Libya descended into anarchy following the overthrow in 2011 of long-time strongman Muammar Gadaffi by Nato-backed forces.

The gangs are not known to be motivated by any religious or political ideology, but see kidnapping people for ransom as a quick and easy way to make money rather than walking for miles with their livestock in search of water and grazing land.

They typically move in large numbers on motorcycles, which makes them highly mobile and allows them to strike quickly and escape before the security forces can respond - a tactic used during two recent school abductions.

There is no centrally organised leadership - each gang, often drawn from one family or a specific community, tends to be loyal to its own leader.

Boko Haram - jihadist group

This Islamist militant group became infamous around the world in 2014 for kidnapping more than 200 schoolgirls from the village of Chibok - around 90 of whom remain missing.

It evolved from a local Islamist sect founded in 2002 by Mohammed Yusuf in the north-eastern city of Maiduguri with the official name of Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad and a political goal of creating an Islamic state. Local residents dubbed it Boko Haram - a name which in the Hausa language loosely translates as "Western education is forbidden" because of their opposition to Western-style schools.

Its full-blown insurgency was triggered in 2009 by the killing of Yusuf who had been taken into police custody after Boko Haram clashed with the security forces.

Iswap - Boko Haram splinter group

Several Boko Haram commanders - including Abu Musab al-Barnawi, believed to be the son of Boko Haram founder Mohammed Yusuf - formed what became known as the Islamic State in West Africa Province (Iswap) in around 2016 as they felt Abubakar Shekau was violating Islamic doctrine by killing Muslims.

Boko Haram routinely targeted markets and mosques, often with suicide bombers. Iswap generally avoids attacking Muslim civilians and focuses on military and government targets.

Ansaru - Boko Haram splinter group

This splinter group has moved away from the north-east, where Boko Haram and Iswap dominate, to carry out its operations.

It is believed to have participated in the 2022 attack on a high-speed train travelling between the capital, Abuja - in the centre of the country - and the city of Kaduna, about 200km (124 miles) north, in which at least seven people were killed and more than 100 commuters were abducted for ransom.

Mahmuda - suspected Boko Haram splinter group

Believed to be a breakaway faction of Boko Haram, it has set up in rural areas around Kainji Lake National Park in the west of the country since around 2020.

It is linked to the Islamic State group and has emphasised more moderate messaging in comparison to Boko Haram and proselytises in Hausa and other local languages to attract recruits.

The group has carried out targeted killings, often riding in on motorcycles and attacking markets, vigilante groups set up to protect villagers from bandits and local communities in the western state of Kwara. In April, its fighters killed several vigilantes and attacked a market there, killing Fulani men and others.

Lakurawa - jihadist group

A relatively new Islamist militant group, Lakurawa has been attacking communities in Sokoto and Kebbi states in the north-west and in Niger, the country which borders Nigeria to the north.

The authorities say it maintains ties with jihadist networks in Mali and Niger, and members have settled among border communities, marrying locally and recruiting young people.

JNIM - Sahel jihadist group

Active mainly in Mali and Burkina Faso, where it controls large areas, Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), may be making inroads into Nigeria.

A confirmed JNIM attack in northern Benin early in 2025 occurred close to the Nigerian border. In October 2025, the group claimed what would be its first attack inside Nigeria, in Kwara - the same state where more than 30 worshippers were abducted from a church last week and which has also seen increasing incursions by bandits.

Herders v farmers - battles over resources

This long-running conflict in central Nigeria - also known as the Middle Belt - has devastated communities, fuelling displacement and the spread of small arms as both herders and farmers arm themselves for what has become a deadly cycle of reprisal attacks.

It has been framed by some as a religious fight, but the central grievance is over grazing rights - access to land and water.

The herders are mainly Fulani Muslims, while the farmers are largely Christians from various ethnic communities, although some are Muslim. Fulani families traditionally walk for hundreds of kilometres from the extreme north to central Nigeria and beyond at least twice a year to find land for their prized cattle.

But urbanisation has seen encroachment onto these age-old grazing routes and locals accuse the Fulani of letting their cattle trample their crops and forcing them out of their homes and fields.

Ipob - separatist group

The separatist violence in the south-east has its roots in calls for Biafran independence that date back nearly 60 years to the brutal civil war that led to the deaths of up to a million people.

That rebellion was crushed but demands for an independent state for the Igbo people of the region continued as some Igbos continue to feel that they are marginalised by the Nigerian state.

The Indigenous People of Biafra (Ipob), led by Nnamdi Kanu, is one of the groups promoting that call for secession. In 2009 Kanu launched Radio Biafra that broadcast separatist messages to Nigeria from London. Ipob was designated as terrorist organisation in 2017 - and three years later Kanu created an armed wing.

The Eastern Security Network (ESN), as it was called, and other splinter groups have since been implicated in arson, kidnappings and killings of civilians and security personnel in five states across the south-east. ESN has been in control of several towns in Imo and Anambra states where thousands were forced from their homes.

Last week, Kanu was convicted in Nigeria on terrorism-related charges and given a life sentence.

Ahead of the judgement, he had written to Trump urging the US to investigate "killings of Christians and Igbo people" and his group and others have been promoting the "Christian genocide" narrative in America, a BBC investigation into documents filed with the US justice department shows.

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c4g4jlgdyjdo

china has wuxia, cdramas, xianxia, etc. cultural markers, does africa have anything remotely similar?

why was somalia unable to put itself back together after it collapsed in the 90s?

>>2577175
From one hand, I would like to learn more about Nigeria since I have also visited twice. From the other hand, the fact that they speak english (although I admit it makes sense) and that they seem fully burgerized (talking about hassles and "investing" and shit) make me think its a lost cause.

what do?

>>2581524
pidgin is taking over the nigerian language scene

>>2581489
Because the US has never stopped bombing it.

>>2581568
well that is essentially english, no?

>>2581625
it's a creole language so no

>>2581524

Get Ghana & Nkrumah pilled.

>>2585297

Ugandan memes aside, my experience is that the title is generally. A large segment of Africans may not like lgbtetc, but it is not at all preoccupation. There are just many other major issues in their lives.