/leftypol/ - Leftist Politically Incorrect

Classes
'Haute bourgeoisie' – Big bourgeoisie
'Petty bourgeoisie' – Petty bourgeoisie (Small bourgeoisie)
'Middle class' – Middle class
'Proletariat' – Working class
'Lumpenproletariat' – Lumpenproletariat

The labor aristocracy is a stratum positioned between the middle class and the petty bourgeoisie. Students (as a stratum) are predominantly found among the proletariat and the middle class.

Theses on the Development of the Party

Class Struggle
Individual members of a class recognize their immediate material interest.
Through this immediate material interest, they recognize certain shared characteristics of the class.
Consciousness of oneself as a member of a class. Class organization. Class movement.
The Party of a class is the organization of class organizations.
The Party is the embodiment of the political, organizational, and historical will of a class.

The immediate material interest of the worker is a shorter working day and higher wages. The relationship between working hours and wages is determined daily within the context of class struggle. Workers may orient themselves based on class instinct, but they do not always recognize it as the instinct of a class.
This means the worker, without necessarily perceiving himself as a worker, recognizes his interest in shorter hours and higher pay.
When a participant in the labor movement is reduced to destitution, this instinct can become harmful. Among the lumpenproletariat, it manifests as "hustle culture."

Workers can never, on their own, bridge the gap between the 'organization of workers' and the 'workers' organization'. Intellectuals are required for this.
Intellectuals are, roughly speaking, that section of the working class primarily engaged in mental labor.
Here, we do not exclude organic intellectuals who may, under given circumstances, transcend the narrow-mindedness of a single class; however, such cases are accidental, spontaneous, and—most importantly—slow.

'Organizations of workers' are organizations whose membership is predominantly working-class, yet they lack significance as class organizations.
Examples include hunting societies, folklore groups, cultural societies, etc. This does not exclude organizations that 'should' be class organizations but are not—we refer here primarily to so-called yellow unions.
'Workers' organizations' are organizations whose members need not be workers, yet they possess significance as class organizations of the proletariat.
In recent history, 'organizations of workers' have largely been integrated into the social order via so-called "social dialogue." This means that when exploitation is not excessive, organizations of workers remain passive bodies that may even instill false consciousness in the worker.

The labor movement occurs when workers redirect existing 'organizations of workers' toward the fulfillment of a specific goal set by them, which need not be of a class nature.
The ideas of the labor movement may be far removed from the ideas of Marxism, even if the latter are accepted within 'workers' organizations'.

The fundamental question of Leninism is the question of the synthesis, confluence, and fusion of the labor movement and Marxism.
It is inevitable that, in this process, a certain division of labor will be imposed from without.
On one hand, the mental labor of organizing communist society—as it emerges from the capitalist one—will fall to the 'workers' organizations'.
On the other hand, the practical work of organizing that society will fall to the 'organizations of workers'.
An example of this process is Marxism and the (Paris) Commune; or Leninism and the (Petrograd) Soviet.

In this process, 'workers' organizations' cannot play a passive role. That is the error of Left-Wing Communism. They must accelerate the synthesis of the labor movement and Marxism. They must accelerate the overcoming of class narrow-mindedness.
'Workers' organizations' must subject their theories to the criterion of reality.
The sole criterion of science is the criterion of reality. This means a theory is correct exclusively if it can be applied and does not contradict reality.
The measure of a theory’s correctness is precisely the measure of the synthesis between the labor movement and Marxism.

Membership in organizations is drawn from one or more classes. Organizations always possess a minimal division of labor and, consequently, a central body that manages affairs. The larger the organization, the more complex the division of labor, and the central body managing affairs operates at a higher degree of generalization.
This means that from particular, distinct (identical or conflicting) interests, common points are increasingly extracted; a synthesis of new, more general ideas is formed, broadly encompassing the problems the organization (or organizations) faces.

At a certain stage of development, 'workers' organizations' will be numerous. In such circumstances, a need arises among the more advanced elements to coordinate joint work, primarily because the need for state-wide work and organization is recognized.
The organization of workers' organizations is the Party.
The Party is the central body that manages affairs between workers' organizations.
The Party represents the most general interest of the working class: the abolition of private property and the abolition of the State.

The big or small bourgeois possesses an interest immediately opposed to that of the worker. They desire a longer working day for their workers (so that they themselves do not have to work, or work less) and lower wages, as this directly reduces production costs.
The bourgeois, the bourgeoisie, and their organizations undergo the same abstract process described above.
Bourgeois organizations are ministries, the police, the military, prisons, etc. The bourgeois, as a rule, does not work. There exists a special stratum (the labor aristocracy, the petty bourgeoisie, and a myriad of petty-bourgeois elements who have integrated into the labor of civil society) that organizes on his behalf.
The organization of bourgeois organizations is the State.
The State is the central body that (alongside everything else to be said about the state below) regulates affairs between bourgeois organizations.
The State protects private property. It is the most general organization for the defense of private property that the bourgeoisie possesses.