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>>The Problem of Vanguard Organization in Advanced Capitalism

The question of revolutionary organization in advanced capitalist societies presents distinct challenges that neither classical Marxism-Leninism nor anarchism adequately addresses. The centralized vanguard party, developed for conditions of Tsarist autocracy and semi-feudal social relations, encounters structural obstacles in contexts of relative working-class institutional integration, the labor aristocracy, sophisticated state surveillance, and racist ideological hegemony maintained through cultural production rather than direct repression. Simultaneously, anarchist models of loose affinity-based organization, while resistant to co-optation, demonstrate limited capacity for sustained mass engagement and territorial consolidation.

The distributed vanguard emerges from critical engagement with both traditions, seeking to preserve the Maoist insight that political power requires organized capacity while incorporating the truthful anarchist recognition that organizational form prefigures social content of revolution. It represents a strategic adaptation to what Poulantzas termed the "authoritarian statism" of late capitalism characterized by intensified surveillance, preventive counter-insurgency, and the fragmentation of working-class communities through suburbanization and precarious employment.

>>Core Theoretical Concepts


Polycentric Coordination: Drawing from Murray Bookchin's concept of libertarian municipalism and Mao's analysis of base areas, the distributed vanguard operates through multiple centers of initiative rather than direct hierarchical command. Each node possesses autonomous capacity for local organizing, resource generation, and tactical decision-making, with large scale political coordination achieved through federated structures and delegated mandates rather than top-down central direction.

The Mass Line as Epistemological Practice: The Maoist formulation "from the masses, to the masses" is understood not as democratic rhetoric but as materialist method. Revolutionary strategy derives from systematic investigation of concrete conditions, testing through practice, and refinement through collective analysis. The distributed vanguard aims to institutionalize this through structural pluralism: multiple nodes investigate parallel questions, with divergent findings synthesized through appropriate network coordination rather than authoritative resolution.

Prefigurative Infrastructure: Following anarchist emphasis on means-ends consistency, the distributed vanguard prioritizes the construction of alternative institutions via workers communes, community land trusts, mutual aid networks that simultaneously meet immediate needs, develop working class organizational skills, and demonstrate the viability of non-capitalist social relations in action. A hockey player does not get good at hockey, without playing it. A worker does not get good at communism, without living it. These constitute what Gramsci termed "counter-hegemonic" formations, creating material bases for sustained oppositional consciousness.

Security Culture as Organizational Principle: The anarchist practice of compartmentalization and need-to-know information distribution is generalized across the organizational structure, addressing the material reality of state surveillance and repressive capacity in advanced capitalist contexts.

>>The Political Wing: Interface with Institutional Politics


The distributed vanguard incorporates a revolutionary workers political wing of formal organizations contesting electoral and institutional space, distinct from but structurally linked to the broader network. This wing's function is not the parliamentary road to socialism, which historical experience has discredited, but rather:
Terrain mapping: Systematic analysis of social composition, geographic distribution of support, and institutional access points through electoral contestation.

Cadre development: Training in public speaking, organizational management, media engagement, and legal navigation under conditions of relative legitimacy

Protective legitimacy: Generation of legal and social protections for the broader network through visible, lawful political presence

Strategic patience: Maintenance of organizational morale and continuity through periods when direct action is tactically inadvisable

The relationship between political wing and network is connected by energy and motion but not command. The political wing does not command the network; the network does not manipulate the political wing as mere front. Coordination occurs through personnel overlap, shared political education centers, and strategic alignment developed through joint practice and regular federated assemblies.

>>The Black Panther Party: A Case Study in Centralized Vanguard Organization


The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense (1966-1982) represents the most significant attempt at vanguard party organization in the United States during the late twentieth century. Founded by Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale in Oakland, California, the Panthers combined Maoist ideological orientation with community-organizing practice, creating a hybrid form that achieved substantial influence within African American communities and generated significant anxiety within state security apparatuses.
The Panthers' organizational structure followed classical Leninist principles: democratic centralism, hierarchical command, ideological unity enforced through disciplinary mechanisms, and resource concentration at the national center. Local chapters were subordinate to national headquarters; strategic direction flowed from the Central Committee; membership required acceptance of the party's Ten-Point Program and submission to organizational discipline.

This structure enabled remarkable growth and visibility. By 1969, the Panthers maintained chapters in major cities across the United States, with membership estimates ranging from 2,000 to 5,000 active participants and significantly larger circles of supporters. Their survival programs like Free Breakfast for Children, health clinics, ambulance services demonstrated the viability of community-controlled social provision and generated substantial goodwill in targeted communities.
The centralized model provided specific advantages in the Panthers' historical context:
Rapid Mobilization Capacity: Centralized command enabled coordinated national actions, the Sacramento capitol invasion (1967), the Free Huey campaign (1968), the Revolutionary People's Constitutional Convention (1970) that generated significant media attention and recruitment appeal.

The requirement of ideological unity, however contested in practice, provided clear organizational identity and differentiated the Panthers from competing nationalist formations. The Maoist framework offered analytical tools for understanding racial oppression as structurally linked to capitalist exploitation.

Centralized fundraising and resource allocation enabled substantial investments in specific programs…most notably the Oakland headquarters and select survival programs that demonstrated organizational capacity and generated community support.

Centralized control of public messaging enabled effective utilization of contemporary media, including the party newspaper, which achieved significant circulation and provided coherent narrative framing for local activities.

The Panthers' centralized organization also created specific vulnerabilities that state counter-insurgency exploited systematically: Decapitation Vulnerability: The concentration of strategic knowledge and public visibility in a small leadership group of Newton, Seale, Eldridge Cleaver, David Hilliard created viable targets for selective neutralization. COINTELPRO operations focused intensively on these individuals through prosecution (Newton's imprisonment 1967-1970), exile (Cleaver's departure to Algeria 1969), and harassment (Seale's multiple prosecutions). The centralized structure meant that disabling the center disrupted coordination across the periphery.

Centralized organizations exhibit predictable communication patterns and decision-making venues. FBI informants could map organizational topology, identify individuals with comprehensive strategic knowledge, and report intentions with high accuracy with ease. The New York Three and Chicago Eight cases demonstrated how centralization enabled conspiracy charges linking local members to national leadership for actions they had not personally planned.

Survival programs required material resources concentrated at chapter headquarters and distributed through hierarchical channels. Police raids on Oakland headquarters (1968, 1971) and the assassination or imprisonment of chapter leaders disrupted resource flows, causing local program collapse. Distant chapters could not sustain autonomous operations without national support.

Centralized parties require the purest form of ideological unity for coordination, and lacks the ability to draw strength from reasonable differences. This is something the IRA dealt with, by not having an explicit political line beyond anti-colonial liberation. This is arguably important to colonized peoples under violence. The Newton-Cleaver split (1971) over questions of armed struggle versus community organizing, nationalism versus internationalism became an organizational crisis because the structure could not accommodate pluralism. Each faction sought control of the national apparatus; the losers faced expulsion or splintering, carrying away members and resources. This forced them to focus on internal issues, vs the outside world. The organization consumed itself in internal struggle because its structure required unity where diversity will always exist, especially so in mass recruitment campaigns.

The Panthers' public visibility and centralized command created contradictions between operational security and mass organizing. Underground military capacity eventually formalized as the Black Liberation Army, which remained organizationally integrated with the public party, exposing lawful activists to conspiracy liability and exposing operations to surveillance penetration.

Materialist analysis requires distinguishing between organizational form and objective conditions. The Panthers operated in a context of intensifying state repression, including COINTELPRO's systematic disruption, the criminalization of Black radicalism through the "War on Drugs" and mandatory sentencing, and the structural transformation of urban African American communities through deindustrialization and suburbanization. These conditions would have challenged any organizational form.
However, organizational form conditioned the manner of decline. Centralized structures amplify both success and failure; they achieve rapid growth but exhibit catastrophic fragility. The Panthers' decline was characterized by decapitation, infiltration, factional collapse, and resource exhaustion, patterns directly linked to structural vulnerabilities rather than merely to objective pressure.

Comparative analysis supports this assessment. The Puerto Rican independence movement, operating through more decentralized structures, maintained organizational continuity through comparable periods of repression. The American Indian Movement, EZLN, despite significant state violence, preserved capacity through localized base building rather than national coordination. The Panthers' specific trajectory reflects their specific organizational choices, not merely general conditions.

>>The Distributed Vanguard Alternative: A Counterfactual Analysis


The assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. (April 1968) and the subsequent urban uprisings, combined with the intensification of COINTELPRO adjacent operations following the Chicago Democratic Convention protests, created conditions favorable to organizational transformation. The Panthers' centralized leadership was already compromised: Newton imprisoned, Cleaver in hiding, Seale facing trial. The organization was surviving through local chapter initiative rather than national coordination.

A distributed vanguard reorganization would have formalized this emergent reality rather than reconstructing centralized command. Specifically Regional Federation Structure: Chapters would have been organized into regional federations (West Coast, Midwest, Northeast, South) with autonomous coordination capacity. The Oakland headquarters would have been reconstituted as a resource/education center and training institute, providing technical support and ideological education without command authority.

Survival programs would have been transformed into economically self-sustaining institutions, worker-owned food cooperatives, community-controlled health centers, mutual aid housing associations and squats, thus reducing dependency on national fundraising and creating material bases for long-term organizing.

The public political organization would have been formally separated from security-oriented activities, with the latter operating through cellular structure coordinated through regional federations rather than national command. This separation would have protected lawful activists from conspiracy liability while protecting clandestine capacity from systematic informant penetration.

The organization would have accommodated the Newton-Cleaver strategic divergence as regional variation rather than organizational crisis. Different regions could have emphasized community organizing versus armed propaganda marches according to local conditions, with results evaluated through shared practice rather than authoritative resolution into one singular approach. Diversity is a strength, when principles are not violated.

Under distributed structure, the Panthers' historical trajectory would have exhibited significant differences.
The imprisonment or exile of national figures would not have disrupted organizational coordination ability. Regional federations would have continued operations; local chapters would have maintained programs. Fred Hampton's assassination (December 1969) would have been a tragic loss for Illinois organizing but not simultaneously a blow to national strategy. The organization would have demonstrated the resilience that decentralized structures provide against selective targeting.

Cellular security structure would have limited informant access. Compartmentalization would have prevented comprehensive organizational mapping. The polycentric verification of major decisions being something requiring confirmation from multiple regional nodes would have made unilateral informant action difficult. COINTELPRO operations would have achieved local disruptions without organizational collapse.

The Newton-Cleaver split would have manifested as regional strategic variation rather than organizational schism. Cleaver's internationalist orientation might have developed in specific urban contexts; Newton's community-focused approach in others. Both would have contributed to organizational learning; neither would have required the other's expulsion. The organization would have preserved membership and resources that historical factionalism dissipated.

Transformation of survival programs into cooperative infrastructure would have generated material self-sufficiency reducing vulnerability to funding disruption. By the mid-1970s, regional federations might have maintained substantial economic capacity such as housing, food production, health services, thus supporting membership without total dependence on external fundraising. This autonomous capacity would have enabled survival through the resource crises that historically devastated the centralized party and traditional modern mutual aid programs.

The political wing, ideally operating through regional federations, could have contested local elections, developed municipal policy interventions, and maintained visible public pro black presence without the vulnerabilities of national coordination. Rather than the dramatic collapse of 1979-1982, the organization might have experienced gradual transformation, with some regions dissolving, others consolidating, but the overall network preserving capacity and experience.

The centralized Panthers survived approximately sixteen years (1966-1982), achieving substantial influence but ultimately destroyed by the specific vulnerabilities their structure created. A distributed vanguard organization method might have survived thirty or more years, maintaining presence through the Reagan era and into subsequent periods of social movement resurgence.
This survival would not have constituted revolutionary victory. Objective conditions in the United States during this period, relative white working-class prosperity, ideological hegemony of liberal capitalism, did not support insurrectionary transformation. The distributed vanguard does not promise revolution where objective conditions withhold it; it promises organizational survival and capacity preservation through periods when mass revolutionary action is impossible.

The measure of success is therefore not seizure of state power but maintenance of infrastructure of resistance: cadre development, community institution-building, oppositional consciousness, and technical capacity for collective action. The centralized Panthers achieved significant infrastructure development but could not preserve it; the distributed alternative might have achieved comparable development with greater durability and fluidity.

>>The Political Wing in Practice: Electoral Contestation and Institutional Engagement

Functions of the Political Wing Under distributed vanguard structure, the political wing operates as one component of a broader organizational ecology, with specific functions distinct from direct action, community service, or clandestine security work. Electoral campaigns, however unsuccessful, generate systematic data regarding social composition, geographic distribution of support, and institutional access points. This intelligence, properly understood as political reconnaissance informs strategic orientation for the broader network operation capacity.

Public political work develops skills such as public speaking, meeting facilitation, media engagement, legal navigation all which that are necessary for revolutionary capacity but difficult to develop in the shadows and streets. The political wing serves as training ground for organizational leadership, and even political education.

Their Visible lawful presence generates legal protections (First Amendment protections for political speech and association) and social protections (community recognition and support) that shield the broader network from some levels of repression. The political wing is not mere front but shield for working class activities that lack legal protection.

Electoral campaigns and associated public activities generate material resources, donations, volunteer labor, media access that support the broader network and movement. Unlike centralized fundraising, distributed resource generation reduces vulnerability to disruption of any single source. The political wing provides concrete activity that maintains organizational morale through periods when direct action is tactically inadvisable or diminished. It prevents the demoralization that leads to complete organizational withdrawal in these moments.

The political wing's relationship to the broader network is governed by principles of autonomy and coordination:
The political wing maintains its own internal democratic function, membership criteria, and decision-making procedures. It is not subordinate to clandestine or direct-action components; it does not take orders from "underground" or "movement" leadership nodes.

Coordination is achieved through individuals who participate in both political wing and network activities, carrying information and strategic orientation between domains. This overlap is structured rather than personal rotating assignments, regular reporting, institutionalized communication channels. Major strategic decisions such as electoral endorsements, policy positions, alliance formations are all reviewed by federated assemblies of the broader network, ensuring consistency with overall organizational orientation without requiring detailed control of ideology.

Resources generated by political wing activities remain under political wing control, subject to negotiated contribution to network maintenance. This prevents the resource dependency that creates subordination amongst the working class.

The political wing presents specific dangers that distributed structure attempts to contain;Engagement with institutional politics creates pressure toward moderation, toward accepting the limits of existing social relations. The political wing's autonomy includes the possibility of divergence from revolutionary orientation. The check is structural, the political wing depends on the broader network for movements, for community base, and for protective capacity; divergence threatens the entire support network.

Individual political wing leaders may be co-opted through institutional rewards, electoral office, media recognition, professional advancement. Rotation of assignments, term limits, and mandatory return to working class network activities limit individual accumulation of institutional loyalty in this party. Political wing activities may consume disproportionate resources relative to their strategic value. Federated resource allocation, with network assemblies determining overall budgetary priorities, maintains balance among organizational components.

Public visibility creates surveillance vulnerability. Compartmentalization ensures that political wing participants lack comprehensive knowledge of network operations; security culture training applies across organizational domains of all kinds.

>>Materialist Evaluation: Conditions and Constraints


The distributed vanguard is not universally applicable; it responds to specific material conditions where state security apparatuses possess sophisticated technical surveillance and preventive counter-insurgency capacity, centralized organization creates unacceptable vulnerability. Distributed structure is strategic adaptation to this condition. Where working-class communities are geographically dispersed, through suburbanization, deindustrialization, and urban transformation, centralized coordination faces logistical obstacles that distributed organization overcomes.
Where oppositional consciousness develops through diverse cultural and political traditions, organizational pluralism accommodates diversity that enforced unity would fragment.

Where electoral and civic institutions remain partially accessible to oppositional movements, political wing engagement provides strategic opportunities that purely movement based organization cannot exploit.
These conditions characterize advanced capitalist societies in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, distinguishing them from the semi-feudal, authoritarian contexts that shaped classical vanguard party theory.

>>Culture and Consciousness


Organizational form does not determine outcomes independent of subjective factors political culture, ideological development, collective identity. The distributed vanguard requires specific subjective capacities of
Security Consciousness. Widespread internalization of security culture, compartmentalization, verification, resistance to infiltration all is necessary for distributed structure to function protectively and properly.

Capacity for coordinated action without hierarchical command requires widely developed skills of deliberation, negotiation, and building. Distributed coordination is sometimes appears slower than centralized command; partially because it is invisible to those not involved. The mass organizational culture must value sustainability over rapid apparent victories that can be seen from the outside.

Accommodation of ideological pluralism requires tolerance for disagreement and willingness to learn from divergent practice. These capacities are not innate; they are developed through organizational practice, political education, and historical experience. The distributed vanguard is therefore not immediately implementable but requires period of formation during which centralized political elements may persist as scaffolding for distributed development.

>>Limitations and Unresolved Tensions


The distributed vanguard model contains unresolved tensions that materialist analysis must acknowledge. The balance between local initiative and collective coordination is not mechanically determinable; it requires continuous negotiation and is subject to drift toward either fragmentation or centralization. Compartmentalization protects against surveillance but limits the democratic participation that develops cadre capacity and maintains organizational legitimacy.

The relationship between multiple leftist and pro worker components contains permanent potential for divergence; structural coordination does not eliminate political disagreement. The model prioritizes organizational survival, which may become conservative, preserving the organization rather than risking it for transformative opportunity. These tensions are not design flaws resolvable through improved theory; they are structural features of revolutionary organizing under advanced capitalist conditions. The distributed vanguard does not transcend these tensions but institutionalizes them, making their management explicit rather than suppressing them through a unity of one singular leftist ideal.

>>Conclusion: The Distributed Vanguard as Historical Contribution


The theory of distributed vanguardism contributes to revolutionary strategy not by resolving the contradictions of organizational practice but by reframing them. Against the dated Leninist fantasy of correct line and disciplined unity, it insists on pluralism, experimentation, and structural reformation of the vanguard - political wing - working class network. Against the anarchist fantasy of spontaneous coordination, it insists on institutional development, strategic patience, and the construction of durable capacity.

The Black Panther Party's history illustrates both the achievements possible through centralized vanguard organization and the vulnerabilities that structure creates. Distributed vanguard theory does not dismiss the Panthers' accomplishments but identifies the organizational choices that limited their duration. The counterfactual analysis is not romantic reconstruction but diagnostic exercise. Given the Panthers' material resources, social base, and ideological commitment, how might alternative structure have altered their trajectory?

The answer is definitely not total revolutionary victory in the 1970s; objective conditions did not permit this. The answer is sustained organizational presence through the Reagan reaction and into subsequent periods of crisis and mobilization, preserving cadre, developing infrastructure for future nodes, thus maintaining the possibility of decisive engagement when conditions eventually shifted towards crucial moments.

This is the measure of pre-revolutionary organizing; not immediate transformation but preparation for transformation, the preservation and development of capacity through long periods when revolution is impossible or put on the defensive. The distributed vanguard is an organizational form adequate to this preparation resilient against repression, adaptable to changing conditions, and consistent with the emancipatory ends it serves.

Whether such organization can be constructed, whether it would function as theorized, whether the historical moment for its implementation persists, these questions exceed theoretical resolution. The distributed vanguard is offered not as blueprint but as orientation toward structures that maintain revolutionary capacity without creating new dominations, toward survival that does not require surrender, toward the long work of preparation that makes eventual transformation conceivable.

>>2696301
This is just awful nonsense.
Thankfully its so bad it couldin't be implemented. Mao-Spontex is retarded, you named your ideology after a cleaning product.

No councils, no buildings nothing you out of touch dinosaurs. Internet and ai in that order.

viva armchairism. What do you actually do, OP? Like are you in a union or practice any of this? I recall anarcho/ML splits and assume they are a general phenomenon.

>>2696313
Unions are reactionary. The only way forward is the big t compleminting parlimentary politics. Ideally the other way around you know like if the nyc mayor were an actual communist hed be arming new yorkers.

>>2696313

This seems like an information fish. I'm under surveillance and have seen multiple friends go to prison, one of the original theorists of this theory was shot dead. I am not a strictly theory fetishist or indoor person. The claim that distributed vanguard organization is impossible does not hold up. For example, in Minneapolis, where a real-existing partial instantiation of this structure has been functionally destabilizing a major COIN operation; these structures of resistance in minny are not new, they are an example of this; they only seem new and sudden because by design they are hidden to those not involved until socially rupturing moments occur. In the past rather than dissipating after the initial rebellious moments, the uprisings of that city crystallized into organizational forms that closely approximate the theoretical model of a polycentric network of autonomous nodes including numerous formations that emerged spontaneously and persisted without centralized coordination. These nodes maintain independent funding, membership, and tactical orientations, some engaging in varying politics, while achieving practical coordination through shared digital infrastructure, physical spaces, and occasional assemblies.
Crucially not one single organizational center exercises command authority; the network's intelligence is distributed rather than concentrated.

The Minneapolis example also demonstrates the viability of the political wing structure theorized in the distributed vanguard model. The "Yes 4 Minneapolis" charter amendment campaign, various city council contests, and ongoing institutional efforts to abolish ICE through structural forms that r distinct from yet overlapping with direct-action components. Same individuals often participate in both domains, but the separation is organizational rather than merely tactical, such that state repression against one wing does not disable the other. This duality has proven resilient against the standard COIN repertoire of decapitation, infiltration, and factionalization. Federal and local law enforcement have arrested and prosecuted individuals, yet network coordination has consistently rerouted because no single individual possesses comprehensive strategic knowledge on the intel gathering and organizing against DHS activity in minny.

Theres been far-right entry attempts and informant operations and many have failed to map network topology due to compartmentalization; the FBI can construct cases against individuals but cannot establish organizational conspiracy because the organization of the movement does not exist as a mappable hierarchy. State efforts to amplify tensions between electoral reformists and abolitionist direct-actionists have similarly failed to produce organizational collapse because the structure accommodates these contradictions.

The state's failures to map out the networks, creates a situation in which they begin to target the general public, which has only fueled the growth of these networks. This is just with the base level of this theory in praxis, and it appears to have real material results compared to your traditional formally organized movements.

>anarcho maoist tbeory
Jokes are rwal. Life imitating art

>>2696341
Sure revolutions start with criminals that can consistently get away with it. For example the bolshevik ranks was filled with criminals.

>>2696374

"Anarcho-maoist" is not a real term, it's an ironic refusal of dogmatic left campism. The actual content is proper Marxist analysis applied to organizational praxis: recognizing that vanguard functions emerge materially from revolutionary situations regardless of ideological self-description, that decentralization and coordination exist in dialectical tension rather than mutual exclusion, that the state forms repressive capacity forces specific structural adaptations. Minneapolis demonstrates this not because anyone there identifies as "anarcho-maoist" but because the material conditions of advanced surveillance, territorial dispersion, ideological heterogeneity, and race produced organizational intelligence that converges with the theoretical model. The joke names what the analysis reveals: that anarchist and maoist traditions, properly understood as historical responses to specific capitalist developments rather than eternal essences all contain practical insights that remain necessary under current conditions. The distributed vanguard is not pure synthesis but materialist description of how revolutionary capacity can persist when centralized organization becomes suicidal and pure dispersal becomes ineffective at using the moments of rupture to gain permanent political power. The laughter is at the punchline…our own inability to speak this plainly without ideological costume and phrases.


The distributed vanguard at small scale looks less like revolutionary organization and more like social reproduction with direct intent ie; the deliberate construction of relationships and capacities that preserve radical possibility through periods when mass action is unavailable to you. For an individual in a small town with five like-minded friends, the model translates to specific practices that develop infrastructure without exposing participants to unnecessary risk.

This would not be public organization but a trusted network - friends who share analysis, commit to mutual aid, and develop collective capacity through regular interaction with intent. The security principle is social rather than technical, these are people you know intimately, whose reliability has been tested through non-political association, who can be trusted with sensitive discussion because their lives are already intertwined with yours within the community.

The group's function is cadre development and the maintenance of radical consciousness and organizational skill in isolation from the broader movement context. Regular reading groups, political education, skill-sharing, one member learns basic medical training, another studies accounting for cooperative management, another practices public speaking, another develops technical skills, all just examples off the top of the head. The distributed vanguard model emphasizes that revolutionary capacity requires diverse competencies developed before they are needed; the small group is where this development happens.

The Political Wing is used as Interface.
Even five people can maintain public-facing presence without exposing the cellular core movements. One member attends city council meetings, another writes letters to local papers, another maintains social media presence on local issues, another builds relationships with existing community organizations, churches, food banks, activist groups. These activities are individually lawful, low-risk, and generate local terrain intelligence. This is knowledge of local power structures, potential allies, geographic vulnerabilities, and institutional access points up for grabs.

The political wing function is legitimation and mapping. Public presence creates social recognition that protects the group from suspicions; engagement with local institutions reveals opportunities for intervention; the development of communication skills prepares for moments when broader outreach or convergence becomes possible. The separation from the cellular core is informal but real; the public-facing member does not discuss group composition or internal analysis, maintaining compartmentalization with security culture always understood and existing.

The small-town distributed vanguard prioritizes economic autonomy as foundation for political independence. The five friends pool resources to establish cooperative structures..say a community garden that reduces food costs and generates surplus for exchange; a tool library that reduces individual consumption and builds relationships with neighbors; a rotating childcare arrangement that frees labor time; a small mutual credit system for emergency support. These are not revolutionary acts in themselves but prefigurative infrastructure demonstrations that non-capitalist coordination is possible which leads to local development of skills in collective management. These are creations of material relationships that bind the group and extend outward in crucial moments, as seen in Minneapolis; in fact these structures existing there is partially why they decided to target it for COIN beyond immigration enforcement.

The infrastructure is diverse, fluid, and often scales through invitation rather than formal recruitment. Neighbors who benefit from the tool library or garden become familiar with cooperative practice; some develop interest in deeper involvement; the cellular core expands slowly through demonstrated reliability rather than ideological persuasion campaigns. Praxis draws workers to theory, not vice versa.

The distributed vanguard model emphasizes that trust is built through shared labor and mutual benefit, not political persuasion alone..

The small-town groups maintain connection to broader networks without centralized affiliation. Participation in regional or national formations exist through conferences, online spaces, resource sharing and this provides political education and strategic orientation that local isolation cannot generate alone.

The connection in theory should be federated to deal with shortcomings. Yet the group retains autonomy, contributes according to capacity, receives support without subordination to a central unit of command.

This sort of connection enables rapid scaling when conditions shift. The hypothetical five-person cell that has maintained infrastructure, developed skills, and mapped local terrain can coordinate with similar cells elsewhere when broader mobilization becomes possible. The distributed vanguard's hypothetical political party / federation structure presupposes this pre-existing network capacity; the small-town group is building that capacity through patient preparation.

The "anarcho-maoist" joke applies here with particular force. The small-town radical faces the absurdity of revolutionary commitment without revolutionary situation - maintaining analysis and capacity through years or decades when nothing seems possible, when the gap between aspiration and conditions produces despair or adventurism. The distributed vanguard model offers no guarantee of eventual transformation at all; it offers only structured patience, the organization of waiting such that waiting itself produces capacity.

The five friends reading theory, building garden infrastructure, attending city council meetings, and maintaining connections to distant comrades are not making revolution. They are preserving the possibility of revolution - the human infrastructure, the practical skills, the social relationships that would otherwise decay through isolation and demoralization. This is the pre-revolutionary function of distributed organization, not to seize power but to prevent the dissolution of the capacity of the class who might seize it when conditions eventually permit it.

The funny part is that this looks like nothing. To outside observation, it resembles hobbyism, social club, mild local eccentricity. The "anarcho-maoist" term mocks the need for visible radicalism, for correct political line, for the spectacular performance of political identity. The actual work is invisible by design, relationships built, skills developed, infrastructure constructed, all below the threshold of state attention and ideological recognition.

The small-town practitioner maintains this invisibility not through clandestine secrecy but through banal legitimacy the community garden is just a garden, the tool library is just a library, the reading group is just friends talking. The revolutionary content is in the form of association, not the content of activity. The distributed vanguard model recognizes that form prefigures content, that the capacity for collective self-management must be developed before it can be exercised at scale.

This is the theory applied to your situation, not a blueprint for immediate transformation but an orientation toward practices that maintain transformative possibility through long periods when transformation is impossible. The five friends are sufficient to begin; the model scales through connection rather than expansion, through generalization rather than direct recruitment, through the patient construction of what will be needed when patience finally becomes unnecessary.

State security apparatuses have repeatedly documented the operational difficulties posed by distributed network structures, often inadvertently revealing their own strategic impotence through the hyperbolic language used to describe the perceived threat. FBI assessments of the 2020 uprisings noted the inability to map organizational topology or identify leadership targets, with field reports describing coordination that "lacked traditional hierarchical structure" and "resisted penetration through compartmentalization." DHS intelligence briefings characterized Minneapolis-based formations as "anarchist extremists" while admitting internally that the designation obscured more than it revealed, applying a categorical framework to phenomena that systematically evaded categorical capture.

This analytical failure translated into operational absurdity. The Department of Homeland Security's response to distributed organizing included surveillance of random civilians based on social media associations, prosecution of individuals for conduct that clearly lacked organizational coordination, and the deployment of federal forces to cities without clear identifiable targets. The "nightmare" described in internal documents was not revolutionary capacity itself but the state's own incapacity to perceive that capacity in recognizable form. When you cannot see a network, you see ghosts; when you cannot map coordination, you chase associations rather than crimes.

International comparisons reinforce the pattern. British counter-terrorism assessments of the 2011 London riots, IRA,French DST analyses of the gilets jaunes, and Israeli Shin Bet evaluations of Palestinian decentralized mobilization all document similar difficulties; distributed structures generate "intelligence gaps" that force repressive apparatuses into either overreach targeting individuals who lack actual organizational significance (thus dragging them into the side of the struggle) or underreach - failing to disrupt capacity that remains invisible. The DHS response to post-2020 organizing represents a particularly acute case of this dynamic, with the department's own inspector general subsequently documenting deployments based on "inadequate intelligence" and "unverified threat reporting."

The hyperbole here serves a structural function. Security agencies must demonstrate threat perception to justify budgets and authority; distributed organizing threatens this demonstration precisely by refusing to appear as threat. The resulting inflation - "anarchist insurrection," "domestic terrorism," "violent extremism" applied to community garden coordination and mutual aid distribution reveals the category error at the heart of counter-subversive doctrines. The assumption is that opposition takes organizational forms the state has learned to recognize and counter. When opposition refuses these forms, the state responds by hallucinating them, seeing centralized command in spontaneous coordination, conspiracy in network effects, leadership in rotating delegations of multiple individuals. This is what you are seeing now, with the state seeming to be fabricating constant hyperbole, because they are left chasing holograms in the age of the decentralized vanguard; they cant even produce results to congress, because they aren't able to properly do so with evidence. So they scream, about "antifa" and "cells", yet can only produce conspiracy theories about how people they have caught tie into a broader movement. If the new vanguard was centralized, it would have already been eliminated. The paranoia and repressive language of the state developing so openly over the years is a response to their own failures to deal with distributed resistance movements.

>>2696479
Id add that the us is heading towards the perfect storm. On the one hand doge has gutted a lot of the state apparatus. Trump is relying on volunteers for his ice program on the other hand theres a lot of discontent and lastly were heading towards a deep recession. An established or someones whos starting an underground movement would be prepped for the occassion when it arises. But it means violence and confrontation.

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>>2696479
>Sure revolutions start with criminals that can consistently get away with it. For example the bolshevik ranks was filled with criminals.
That is what I was going to say. The best we can do right now is targeted assasinations. It's very easy to get away with murder if you go about it the right way.

1 in 2 is not bad odds at all, and most of those people doing it are retards. So if you go about it the right way, the chance of getting caught is like 1 in 10 or less.

Luigi almost got away with it and he did so much retarded shit. He didn't have to book a room in NYC. He didn't have to take down his mask to flirt with the staff lady. He could've ditched the gun before was caught. He could've shaved off his stupid eyebrows.

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>>2696500
And SOLO DOLO is the way. Don't work with anyone else. Never tell a soul what you did. Every single person that knows exponentially increases your chance of getting caught. Don't trust anybody, not even yourself.

Definitely don't look for some stranger to work with. You can't even trust someone you knew since you were in diapers. Any stranger is most likely a fed.

>>2696500
Wrong you should go after money and money only. Keep accumulating until you amass millions then use that towards extortion for billions so you can pay the ranks. Unlike the broke state.

>>2696504
That's retarded. There's a million legal ways to get money. Why would you resort to anything illegal? You're going to pay people to do crimes? Fastest way to get yourself locked up lmao.

>>2696509
You can net millions doing crime really easily. If you break into a walmart safe for example thats a million right there. Whereas a wagie might wage and invest over the course of a lifetime for it.

>>2696500

Some have said Luigi's arrest is cointelpro, and that multiple individuals were involved, but the FBI didn't want to give the group the narrative by allowing onlookers to believe a rag tag group can commit an act in downtown Manhattan and disappear. They didn't want it spreading, or the energy being captured by people's words they cant control. So they falsified an arrest and published a manifesto before the group could release a communique to the mass of public onlookers. I'm not saying I believe this, but this is a theory I've heard.

File: 1771467351548.jpg (92.04 KB, 750x732, clown.jpg)

>>2696301
i hope thats some ai generated bullshit and not some autist typing the whole thing manually

>>2696511
If you want to make money illegally, your best bet would be doing crypto-scams and pig-butchering and all that.

But if you want something legal, you could just fleece a rich trust fund kid. Get them to willingly give their money to you.

>>2696511
But you haven't addressed really what you are going to do with this money. Like I said solo dolo is the only way. If you're going to pay people to do crimes you will be quickly caught. Every loose end you can't control whether they'll get caught and sell you out, or carelessly tell other people, or have some crisis of conscience or something OR they were an informant or literal fed agent in the first place. You can't just pay people to do dirt for you.

>>2696515

Amazing negation of the proper analysis of praxis, and the survival of mass movements / vanguards. Typical mad fed.

>>2696517
>If you want to make money illegally, your best bet would be doing crypto-scams and pig-butchering and all that.
Got any actionable ideas?

>>2696521
Sure you can. For a criminal the criminal record its his resume. Why work for you? Its like videogames they follow orders do the dirty work and bring home lots if stolen money.
Nowadays it can be sweeter if you go with the high tech angle.
Say youre a cashier at again walmart you can just put malware into the pos and steal everyones cards indefinitely and resell them or cash them if you can get past the security measures.

File: 1771467908999.png (61.73 KB, 168x299, ClipboardImage.png)

>>2696523
I just told you, pig-butchering.

>"Pig butchering" scams result in substantial financial losses for Americans, with recent reports indicating

billions of dollars stolen annually. The FBI reported that victims in the U.S. lost approximately $4 billion in 2023 to these types of crypto investment scams. Other sources suggest that the total amount stolen globally over the past few years could be as high as $75 billion, though an exact, universally agreed upon figure for just the U.S. is difficult to pinpoint due to underreporting.

But I also said, you don't even have to do that. You can get rich assholes with trust funds to willingly give you their money. No fraud involved. These people get fleeced for their money left and right all the time and nobody is charged because no real fraud went on.

>>2696529
>Sure you can. For a criminal the criminal record its his resume.
You're fucking retarded. 50% of these criminals or more are already informants. Fucking with a known criminal is the most retarded shit you can do. There is no honor among thieves. That's why gangs don't work with uyghas they haven't known since birth. With uyghas they don't know where their momma, daddy, grandaddy, grandma, stay at. If you aren't prepared to annihilate this whole dudes family if they sell you out(meaning you have other operatives who can achieve this even if they sell you out and you are arrested) you have nothing.

>>2696523

>>2696523

Most of this will draw a lot of federal heat. You ideally can set up a fake right wing NGO and receive large sum donations, but you have to be dedicated and make it look real and functioning, and actually organize some basic functions that make the shell appear "filled" with something real. It can be a real organization, but in someone else's name. The entire nature of NGOs is basically a built in loophole for scammers, and many NGOs are essentially this on a larger scale. There's people who are actively doing this with visible media attention, on a large scale.

>>2696535
This is true. This is actually the best way to fleece people. Just crowdsource the fleecing with some stupid patreon shit. Nothing illegal or fraudish about that in the slightest. Not the first time I heard some pitch the idea here, but very good point. It's targeted fleecing, nobody is even losing their life savings. Just fleece right-wingers en-masse.

>>2696553
The only difficulty is maintaining the facade, and continuing to transfer money from the right-wing pay-pigs to the left-wing without being exposed, but there is nothing illegal about putting up RW content, soliciting patreon bucks, then giving it to the LW. The only thing is maintaining that without getting exposed.

>>2696533


There is no honor among, thieves? This isn't the case any more than the regular lower ends of the working class. Society is set up in a way where division and betrayal are easier routes than unity, and this exists across the class. Other workers sell workers out all the time on minor and large scales; the idea is to build organization models that counter this, otherwise you're just an individual looking for their own survival and property isolated from others; hardly communist.

>>2696563
>There is no honor among, thieves? This isn't the case any more than the regular lower ends of the working class.
Ok…? I think it is especially so. Criminals have no ethics or shame or conscience at all compared to the average person. But really it is funny all the folk-lore about the "code of silence" and "anti-snitching" and all that, criminals are the biggest snitches. It's all make believe.

>I swear to God my whole thang been wicked

>Tried to keep the peace but all I piece around is bitches (bitches)
>I see the topic now but everything is snitchin'
>If it's allegations, you snitchin' then I promise, uygha

>Shit gettin' tricky out here, my uygha, what's going on?

>He tellinn', he tellin', he tellin', he tellin', who tellin?

>>2696577
>Criminals have no ethics or shame or conscience at all compared to the average person

>The lumpenproletariat is passive decaying matter of the lowest layers of the old society, is here and there thrust into the [progressive] movement by a proletarian revolution; [however,] in accordance with its whole way of life, it is more likely to sell out to reactionary intrigues.

>>2696577
>>Criminals have no ethics or shame or conscience at all compared to the average person

This isn't the case for no reason. A criminal lives life close to a wild animal, it's day to day living outside the normal function of labor wage systems. They view things through the lens of potential threat, or potential mark. It eventually will rewire the brain to always be in this mode. It doesn't have to be career criminals; even the criminalized, the homeless, every sector of the lumpen has this experience. Even a revolutionary who lives the life in the most revolutionary sense would have this issue if they had to integrate into normal society; soldiers who go to combat deal with it as well… they often describe the hardest thing is going back to every day life. In reality, the human brain is wired for this type of survivalist lifestyle via evolution. So in a sense, being near someone who is on the streets 24/7 is like being near the wild human being who is not tamed by society and morality.

Though, if you lack formal education like me, and live in a place where most other people lack that said education then the WORKERS you go to work with will overlap with this lifestyle far greater than the professional echelons of the working class will. There is more crossover with lumpenprole mentality in the lowest ends of the working class than there is the professional sectors; i'd even argue that in the USA the low end workers, the precarious and uneducated have more in common with the criminal class than they do the professional workers. In a lot of aspects, the lower sectors and lumpenprole have more immediate material interest in revolutionary acts than the mass of the american working class.

>>2696577
>>Criminals have no ethics or shame or conscience at all compared to the average person


The labor aristocracy in the west often have the privilege of not having to get the rawest experience of state and capital's repressive and oppressive forces. The lumpenprole, and working-poor do not get this privilege; it's not a matter of abstractions such as "lack of morality". What you are witnessing is as I explained, what people's function naturally looks like in "survival mode". The professional workers; the labor aristocracy are sheltered from the raw experiences of capital thus maintain the ability to appear kinder, more moral than human beings who are used to survival mode.

>>2696589
Aight, I appreciate your in-depth post, sounds like you are probably speaking form experience. I say this without reading your post indepth, but I just wanted to let you know right now I'm speaking from experience as well.

>>2696589
>Though, if you lack formal education like me, and live in a place where most other people lack that said education then the WORKERS you go to work
Then you aren't from a real hood. I met a friend online, we became so much friends I visited his hood once in Baltimore. Like you have no idea how bad that place is. Like I doubt there is anyplace worse on Earth than a warzone. I've been to ghettos without running plumbing, running water, electricity, in the 3rd world, none of them are worse than Baltimore. Like you don't know what the fuck that place is. Nightmare reality.

>>2696604
Sorry I meant to say, if there isn't a mass of permanently unemployable uyghas or uyghas refusing to seek employment congregating on every corner, every block, you have no idea. I grew up in a neighborhood like that, but with like a limited congregation corner, but like Baltimore, it's every single block. Drive through Baltimore, every single block it's 10-20 dudes just hanging out on the sidewalk, on a weekday, in the middle of the day.

>>2696583

Marx's and Engels' statements on the lumpen class is not only debunked, but it was a diversion from materialism in favor of bourgeoisie moralism.

>>2696577

Sadly nowadays, trust is hard to come by, and this is exactly by design. Informant programs have expanded greatly since the 70s, with intent. This is what makes the content of this thread so relevant in terms of proper organizing that can whether the storm.

>>2696609
>Marx's and Engels' statements on the lumpen class is not only debunked, but it was a diversion from materialism in favor of bourgeoisie moralism.
No, it's not. All these criminals don't give a fuck about anything like I was saying and they were saying.

>Sadly nowadays, trust is hard to come by, and this is exactly by design. Informant programs have expanded greatly since the 70s, with intent. This is what makes the content of this thread so relevant in terms of proper organizing that can whether the storm.

You're a fool to trust anyone. Solo dolo like I said.

>>2696619
> Informant programs have expanded greatly since the 70s, with intent.
Sorry, I wanted to say too, no shit. Put yourself in their shoes. It's so fucking easy to bribe or coerce anyone. You're fucking stupid if you think that some random criminal you were involved with for illegal shit wouldn't get caught and then sell you out, or already have been caught and they let them loose as a CI(criminal informant), or be an actual agent.

>>2696604


lol i feel like this is a fed flexing that they know I'm in west baltimore with posting a picture in my neighborhood. i don't see any other point, unless you misunderstand what I'm saying. There's definitely a huge amount of overlap between full on street mentality and the lower ends of labor here. Even a lot of physical labor unions have a lot of felons and the mentality of the streets embedded within them. My point is the orthodox idea that the lumpenprole and their "negative behaviors" are separate from the rest of the working class is a false oversimplification of multiple material realities.

Many of the people I grew up with on the streets CANNOT stand the current conditions of labor and refuse to work 9-5s on these material reasons, but if you think the entire neighborhood is out of work, you would be wrong. Work in modern capitals current state is less stable, wages are stagnant and workers power is non existent; a lot of people selling dope do so because they'd rather risk life and freedom than find themselves in the wage system. These markets will be the void such characters fill until there is real revolutionary action that organizes and motivates them.

>>No, it's not. All these criminals don't give a fuck about anything like I was saying and they were saying.


As opposed to the workers, who seem completely fine being consumer benefactors of oppression and racial hierarchies?? Again, you apply the dynamics of social interaction that capital reproduces to the nature of a single class element, which is false.

>>You're fucking stupid if you think that some random criminal you were involved with for illegal shit wouldn't get caught and then sell you out


And a worker will sell you out for a meal ticket if you were trying to organize labor. Nobody argued against this. There is ways to negate, spot, and isolate informants.. trust me.

>>2696627
>lol i feel like this is a fed flexing that they know I'm in west baltimore
Pure coinkidink. No reason to feel paranoid. Like I told you, my friend I met online lives there. I was about to tell you details until I realized maybe you are a fed trying to drag details out of me.

>>2696627
>>2696630
By met, I mean I've been there, to West Baltimore. I know how horrendous it is. I'll offer that to you regardless.

>>2696627
>Many of the people I grew up with on the streets CANNOT stand the current conditions of labor and refuse to work 9-5s on these material reasons, but if you think the entire neighborhood is out of work, you would be wrong.
My uygha, I know it. I grew up with the same kind of things as you. What you mean "grew up with on the streets?" I am eternal friends with eternal "street uyghas" "field uyghas" my cousins grew up in the most pleasant suburb somewhere in the south and grew up into bigger "street uyghas" than myself even through I grew up in a gangbanging ass neighborhood. I've been "hit up" on the street. Like people were getting murdered regularly or semi-regularly just yards away from where I "stay at." The helicopters stay flying overhead.

In my growing up, we were hit with so much anti-gangbanging propaganda you don't know. This was before Drake being the cripple uyghur on Degrassi. We were hit with so much anti-"don't shoot your fellow uyghurs and cripple them" propaganda you don't even know.

File: 1771475673590.png (195.98 KB, 612x408, ClipboardImage.png)

Triangulating who anyone should put a bullet through the brain-matter of is so silly.

Like you realize we can run up in Chomsky or whoever at he living Epstein associates and stomp them to death?

>>2696665
Sorry, I meant to provide the captcha provide truth.

>>2696667
Da real truth is I am going to kill every uyghur and cracker and nothing stop me.

File: 1771476604763.jpg (32.59 KB, 300x300, Mio Depression.jpg)

>>2696301
>anarcho-maoist
Sorry, I can't read all this while my eyes roll as hard as they possibly can.

I mean all youse so called "leftists" like we about to show up at your home address and see what you're about. >>2696667

>>2696674
>show up at your home address
Or anywhere for that matte.r We have firearms. We are going to shoot you dead. Do you not realize what time it is

>>2696673

Clearly ironic rather than a real phrase. This in reality is just truthful materialist analysis of praxis in relation to modern class struggle and modern state repressive apparatus. This is all just MARXISM. There is no "anarcho-maoism"…the term is jest at those who really think choosing between outdated camps of praxis is meaningful political work, who believe the revolution will arrive once we finally determine whether Kronstadt or the Cultural Revolution provides the correct model for organization they will never actually build. The eye rollers miss that the joke is on them and their serious ideological taxonomy serves primarily to excuse inaction, to transform the anxiety of not organizing into the comfort of correctly not organizing. The "anarcho-maoist" laughs because the distinction has become absurd rather than material reality. anarchism and orthodox approaches towards socialism both failed, and both also produced moments of genuine emancipation and social rupture; both contain insights that remain necessary and dangers that remain fatal. They are history to analyze and apply new formations and ideas with. The true materialist thinker does not choose between them but asks what conditions require from each, what organizational intelligence the working class has actually developed through struggle, how the state actually functions now rather than in 1917 or 1949. The joke use of the term represents the overall exhaustion of factionalism; the analysis attempts to move past idealism and campism. Those who roll their eyes at "anarcho-maoist" roll their eyes at their own obsolescence, clinging to categories that capital has long since learned to absorb and neutralize. In the real world, this is just the proper marxist and materialist logic applied to modern developments.

Much of this analysis is already tested and proven in the real world, it is not an abstraction, yet an observation of things that objectively occur.

>>2696487
What you don't get is that maoism is just redwashed anarchism.
All left deviations are the same thing.
And all right deviations are the same thing.

And left deviations and right deviations are the same thing.

>>2696678
mane, what kind of insanity am I missing.

>>2696705

What you don't get is that your materialism is narrow to the point of idealism. You wield 'material conditions' as incantation, applying it to 1917 Russia or 1949 China with genuine analytical rigor, then pretending that 2026 Minneapolis or São Paulo or Jakarta present the same exact conditions. Your method works for the easily defined moments of ancient history. Modern capitalism is not ancient history with better technology. It is a much deeper mode of social organization requiring different analytical tools. The same can be said about the repressive apparatus of the bourgeoisie imperialists.

Your materialism stops at the factory gate, or where the factory used to be. You see precarity as 'the reserve army of labor' rather than a transformed relationship to production; you see surveillance as 'the bourgeois state' of the old days rather than a qualitatively different form of social control; your observations are appropriate 1905 and increasingly useless for 2026. This is not because reality has betrayed materialism but because your materialism has become mechanical, applying repeated formulas rather than investigating actual developing conditions.

The distributed network is not 'idealism' or 'petit-bourgeois left deviation.' It is the organizational form that emerges from material conditions you refuse to analyze & acknowledge. Imperialism in it's modern form, the geographic dispersal of USA working-class communities through suburbanization and deindustrialization, the collapse of stable workplace identity, the sophistication of state surveillance and preventive counter-insurgency, the ideological fragmentation produced by race, cultural production and social media. These are not 'superstructural' distractions from the 'real' economic base. They are the transformed base itself, the actual conditions under which revolutionary organization must now occur. Your response is to wait for conditions to return to clarity of a time we are no longer in. This is not materialist analysis but historical nostalgia, the substitution of past conditions for present investigation and praxis. The 'anarcho-maoist' joke is precisely against this waiting, this preservation of organizational form for conditions that may never return. We organize now, under present conditions, with the tools that present conditions make available and viable. Your 'hard line' is soft accommodation to permanent postponement, revolutionary identity without revolutionary practice, the correct program for the wrong century. I'd be willing to bet you'd fit right in at CPUSA.

>>2696301
>Polycentric Coordination
The idea that having top-down coordination means that all action must be initiated top-down is never true in practice, making it a misrepresentation of top-down management. I see the process of building a revolutionary organization as the process of moving from being able to produce local self-directed organizations to stitching together those organizations, first through federation and ultimately under a singular strategic command. Since strategy is a necessary aspect of war, having unified strategy must be necessary to winning revolutionary conflict. Socialists have never been averse to diversity of tactics, emulation, and polemics to iron out disagreements. These are all distributed and federative principles. But along with that, communists since Lenin have understood the need to simultaneously have unified action dictated by a leadership structure.

>Mass Line

Mass line is fundamentally authoritarian. It's a method of ensuring good-enough rule in lieu of democratic mechanisms. This is not a bad thing, I just wanted to point it out. Also your epistemology appears undialectical. There is no reason to say that lines of investigation should not be authoritatively resolved, unless you mean they should not be arbitrarily resolved by authorities. The goal of science is to grow the area of our knowledge that is considered resolved and undisputed. There's always an area which is still contested and an area which is resolved (though it can always be opened up for question again as new information comes in). This is basic dialectics, the identity of identity and non-identity. With science we have to respect genuine disputes and not arbitrarily consider them resolved, but the goal is always towards resolution. The word synthesis usually gets used to mean "eclectic hodgepodge", when as dialectical materialists we should understand that between two forces, one must win out. We shouldn't encourage the formation of a centrist middle ground between a right and a wrong understanding. That's not how science progresses.

>Prefigurative Infrastructure

These kinds of things don't have much to do with socialism in a modern society. If we gain state power, how will we progress to socialism? Will it be promoting communes and local land trusts, or nationalizing monopolies? Will we create thousands of new mutual aid groups, or will we create a robust social safety net through state programs? I don't believe that these bandaid institutions do much to propagandize for socialism. My other critique is that they are very difficult to pull off which takes labor and resources away from other more important activities. Plus they're all above-ground. At any point their members or leaders could become targets of state or vigilante violence and you would lose valuable cadre.

We can't give people a taste of communism from within capitalism. At best we can give them a taste of solidarity and struggling for a more just world. Luckily the process of socialist transition doesn't require the majority to believe in building towards a communist utopia. Every reform we make in favor of the working class destabilizes the capitalist economy, setting the stage for even more radical reform. This proceeds until communism, whether or not anyone wanted it. All that we need to ensure is that the working class and its ideological leadership have the power and will to arbitrate social issues in favor of the working class every time.

>The Political Wing

My main disagreement is that I believe we can influence elections and institutions through entirely clandestine means. My second disagreement is that I don't think we can ever hold capitalist institutions (they love to purge), so our real goal ought to be acting as an off-ramp to communist organizations (either clandestine or local fronts). There's no reason to create legally established entities in order to do work in any capitalist institution. It can all be coordinated and funded through clandestine organization without the needless exposing of membership through boards, employees, named donors, membership lists, etc. I don't think I need to argue my second point because it's so obvious, but communists will always be purged, and even liberals can get slandered as communist and purged if they don't pursue the immediate interests of capital. An open presence would again put a target on the backs of valuable cadre. And terrain mapping especially can happen outside of capitalist or legally established institutions.
>political shield
You know that capitalist countries don't respect rights, there's no shield provided by legality, and if they wanted to keep up that charade they could still just strip legality from any organization they want
>concrete activity
There's much more concrete activity. Clandestine doesn't have to mean risky, it just means abiding by proper security principles, mainly not being open about its membership. Clandestine organizations can still gather clout by taking responsibility for actions, and clandestine actions can be entirely legal and non-violent. My model is of continuous social investigation via community-oriented front groups (less focus on organizations and more on gatherings that are not on their face political) constituting the bulk of concrete activity. In order of priority: information gathering, information dissemination, sustaining economic activity, growth and recruiting activity, and lastly direct action. My reason for making this distinction is because these foster power directly without offering any target for state repression. I don't see legal organizations as a shield, more a huge target and vulnerability. Most legal institutions are cowed into liberalism because of this, however noble their intentions may be. At best that form of organization is a liability.

>Widespread internalization of security culture

This is the current method being upheld by liberals, anarchists, and activists. It puts the responsibility of network security into individual hands. To me this appears to be a manifestation of unresolved liberalism. The approach I support is organizational capacity for security with stringent requirements on members to uphold proper practices, as well as equipping members with the technology needed to implement it. This has the added benefit of not giving clues to Palantir about who is a revolutionary. If they know nothing about our network but can only see who downloads Tor or Linux or who googles security issues, especially if they can map interactions between individuals, they could easily assume our network based on that information alone. We should keep all information about revolutionary skills and theory within communication channels we strictly control (and that are build with secure principles - no logging, e2ee, or non-digital mediums). That is the only way to keep our networks secure from analysis via correlation.

That said, I love the BPP analysis. Very spot on. What AI did you use to write this?

you write a lot, can you do a QRD?


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