>>2698624Yes, mostly a result in premature mobilizations and a lack of acceptance of the need for indirect but consistent connections with a political wing. Just like people who use tor STILL get caught. Nothing guarantees absolute security, in most situations political or otherwise.
>>2698555 Comrade, I appreciate the directness of your observation. At a superficial level, much of what I argue does echo classical anarcho-communist positions; the rejection of traditional hierarchical organization, the emphasis on grassroots self-organization, and the commitment to abolishing class domination through collective action from below. However, the distinction lies in our respective assessments of the concrete historical conditions under which revolutionary subjectivity develops today, particularly in the advanced capitalist core under conditions of advanced state repression and surveillance.
Allow me to frame this in more rigorously Marxist terms. The classical anarchist critique of vanguardism whether Leninist or otherwise rightly warns against the dangers of substitutionism, wherein a self-appointed elite displaces the self-activity of the masses; they are also right it's model's suitability is questionable in the modern times. Yet historical materialism compels us to examine not abstract ideals but the actually existing forms of organization that emerge from the contradictions of the present conjuncture. In the current period, the repressive apparatus of the bourgeois state, digital / A.I. surveillance, financial exclusion mechanisms, preemptive legal interventions, and the systematic infiltration of oppositional networks is something that has materially foreclosed the possibility of purely both centralized militant vanguards, and purely spontaneous, unmediated mass upsurge on the scale required for systemic transformation. What we observe instead is a highly decentralized, distributed network of resistance across the west and global south, affinity-based collectives, encrypted communication channels, mutual aid infrastructures, autonomous spaces, and episodic direct actions and convergence of nodes in street battles and other forms of community defense support. These are not chosen purely on ideological grounds; they represent the necessary adaptive form that revolutionary initiative assumes under conditions of asymmetrical warfare being waged by a technologically superior adversary in the context of a highly urbanized pre-revolutionary social climate.
This distributed structure constitutes, in objective terms, a vanguard formation not in the classical Leninist sense of a monolithic, centralized cadre party, but as a de facto leading layer emergent from the mass struggle itself. Informal nodes of initiative, trust, and strategic capacity arise organically through repeated practice, reproducing leadership functions without formal traditional hierarchy. Mao's insistence on the mass line 'from the masses, to the masses' offers a methodological corrective here; such a decentralized vanguard must remain rooted in, and accountable to, the broader proletarian and popular layers, constantly testing and refining its line through practice.
The critical limitation, however, is the absence of an articulated political expression capable of operating at the level of the superstructure while remaining interlocked with this base level network. Without an open, semi-autonomous political wing capable of legal defense, resource coordination, public advocacy, and sustained ideological contestation, the symbolic and material energies generated by decentralized actions are inevitably recuperated by dominant forces; liberal NGOs channel them into reformist channels, electoral apparatuses absorb their momentum, or reactionary elements exploit their aesthetics (more true in europe).
This is not a call to replicate bureaucratic centralism to a T, nor to discard it, but to recognize that revolutionary strategy requires differentiated organs of struggle. The mass base demands forms of protection and reproduction that exceed the skill sets of clandestine or affinity-group organizing; competent legal strategy to contest repression, financial mechanisms resilient to capitalist chokepoints, and interfaces with adjacent progressive forces (unions, community organizations) that can broaden the front without sacrificing revolutionary content.
In simple terms, the material development of the class struggle under late capitalism has already produced a decentralized vanguard form. Whether self identified marxists or anarchists like this observation does not change the objective nature of it. This is why i say holding onto ideas in their old format is like expecting the anti-virus software from 91 to hold up. The stagnant nature of the left will be eternal as long as this tendency haunts us. So the task for anyone on the revolutionary left is not to deny its existence out of principled aversion to 'vanguardism,' or "decentralization" but to consciously develop its necessary political mediations open, interconnected, and guided by the mass line, so that the movement may defend its gains, reproduce its forces, and prevent external appropriation. This is the strategic imperative that distinguishes a distributed vanguard from classical anarcho communism. It is an analysis of the objective conditions and the organizational forms they demand, not a moral idealism. If we fail to address this, we risk reproducing a cycle in which insurgent energies serve as raw material for others' political projects, rather than cohering into durable dual power for the working class political wing. That, comrade, is the precise theoretical and practical divergence I seek to highlight, it's not as a rejection of anarchist principles, but an observation on their necessary historical specification in our time and why it appears their movement has maintained a more long-standing active, growing militant wing than the rest of the revolutionary left.
Right now another task is to get the Anarchists to realize, that reality i mentioned earlier; the reality that they can be against the political party being invited into their streams of action, but somebody, likely connected to the DNC will almost always utilize the energy and power your movements have built, sucking it back into the field of capitalist normalcy as your comrades suffer PTSD, physical risk, and long term incarceration; you deny the need of a political wing only in word, and just end up being free R&D for the next wave of recuperators. Though the other task at hand is realizing the anarchist critique is a normal reaction to the distrust created by how horrible many open leftist organizations are in modern America. The goal for Marxist-Leninists and Marxists is realizing the necessity of the distributed vanguard, seeing the spike in global anarchist adjacent organizing activity as the material reality of the militant wing in modernity, and build the proper political channels to support that. This has already been happening, but it needs to be done by more people and thus on a larger more general scale. Small example is now many anarchists don't even go by the name anymore, and adhere to this exact model i speak of; they insert into political spheres and adhere to what I explained - above ground legal groups provide intel to distributed / decentralized networks in Minneapolis. DSA politicians and their associates work behind the scenes to sometimes do the same and support them with funding of lawyer teams. Now we need all leftists to engage in this to continue to generalize and solidify this model into something formidable. It's time to realize the political tensions and contradictions being pitted in conflict to one another is an FBI ploy, and an idealist trap.
I definitely do not engage in this, and I hate when anarchists and marxists engage in purity tests, while picking which label to identify as if these ancient ideas were some stagnant skyrim class to pick and play in some revolutionary game. The proper materialist knows marxism is not some eternal idealism that has a universal application formula; being fluid and enable to engage in lessons from contradictions, divisions, differences creates strength in theory.
Here is an example of the function behind the materialist observations we've made; why the distributed, decentralized network is the only viable way to maintain militancy. Still the scope of possibilities within this model are not fully realized yet; arguably 2008 in greece is a moment that set this model into global motion for the future (by proving the network models material ability to resist the post-911 GWOT policing methodology/apparatus)… glenn beck and right wing think tanks openly feared and discussed it long before trump existed, "theyre using anarchy methods to spread communism!!!" - FOX NEWS. I will argue that without this occurence in Greece generalizing globally, and later to a lot of latin american urban hubs, that the USA George Floyd situation would have not occured in the rapid, mass manner that it did. Many marxists and anarchists alike have rigorously studied and interacted with this methodology beginning in this time frames.
https://crimethinc.com/2008/12/25/how-to-organize-an-insurrection
>>Most of the tactics used in this struggle have been used for a long time now in Greece (junta era culture of rebels remains). The most important new characteristic of this struggle was the immediate appearance of actions all over the country. The assassination of a young anarchist boy in the most important area of anarchist activity provoked an instantaneous reaction; within five minutes of his death, anarchist cells all over the country had been activated. In some cases, the police were informed much later than the anarchists about the reason they were facing attacks from the people. For Greek society, it was a surprise that the majority of young people in the country adopted the tactics of “anarchist violence, smashing and burning,” but this was a result of the generalized influence that anarchists’ actions and ideas have had in Greek society over the past four years. The glenn beck source:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=45UfIEIU14whttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t4TfW8SrBQsAs for your location. I will reach out to people in the PNW and get a research analysis for the needed knowledge to consider praxis and get back to you on that.