>>2699015>>Translated to normal speech - cliques should dominate organizations with no accountability. This is the reality that has been seen and critiqued ad nauseam in anarchist spaces already.This is the reality that has been seen and critiqued ad nauseam in every single leftist space. If you've been around, and in a lot of organizations of varying degrees you would know cliques forming is a constant challenge, the committee is often a mask word for clique in the way some of them actually function.
The theory of distributed vanguard does not sit as proposed political structure or a new form of state power, nor a informal hierarchy of cliques, with alternative government waiting to be instituted. This misreads entirely. The framework describes organizational intelligence already emerging in practice from material conditions, not blueprint for future socialist state institution. It is analysis of how coordination already functions in successful decentralized movements, systematized for learning and replication, not call for new political form to be established with this said model.
Lets head to Post-1969 Republican movement; after security failures there was no centralized command between Belfast, Derry, South Armagh, yet certain nodes set tone through demonstrated success; Belfast's military operations, Derry's civil resistance, South Armagh's territorial control - all things that also lead a mass network of varying republican groups and individuals who were engaged in acts. Leadership outside of the top, or political wing was not elected or appointed but emerged from practice alone. Which node delivered results, which developed effective tactics, which maintained security under pressure. Other nodes adapted, adopted, or ignored based on their own assessment and conditions. This is not militant democracy or hierarchy in formal sense but distributed recognition; leadership as influence rather than command, as temporary pattern rather than stable position. You see "cliques" and recoils because your imaginary remains trapped in liberal categories; accountability requires visibility, legitimacy requires procedure, coordination requires hierarchy or its absence. The distributed vanguard operates in different register entirely; accountability through material interdependence, legitimacy through demonstrated reliability, coordination through network topology rather than traditional military command structure. The Belfast IRA's "leadership" was not clique dominating organization separate from the general militant republican movement but nodes temporarily central in broader network flow; more traffic passed through, more resources coordinated, more tactics originated without centralized authority to command other nodes, which retained autonomy to accept or reject influence.
The framework's "nondirect leadership" is precisely this observation; temporary centrality in network topology rather than position in organizational chart. Success and resources concentrate influence without concentrating power, because nodes remain materially autonomous and can survive without central node, can route around failure, and can develops alternative coordination dissipates.
>>A riot is not an insurrection and will never be able to assert any kind of control because it lacks the ability to defend itselfI don't think you've looked that deeply into the Greek situation of that era, especially if you think all that was ocuring was some flipped cars. I'm also seeing the inability to use materialism beyond a linear sense; you shouldn't expect "insurrection" to appear in the same ways in Athens 2000s as it would in Russia over 100 years ago. Lenin was right in his definition; Yet "Insurrection" is not essence to be achieved through correct checklist; communications infrastructure, barracks, factories, but specific historical form of revolutionary moment, dependent on conditions of class interaction in the locality. Lenin's Petersburg was concentrated industrial city with centralized state apparatus vulnerable to concentrated assault; and I'd even argue that the nihilist insurrections of russia against the tsar are what set the conditions of full on insurrection in Russia.
Athens is a dispersed metropolitan region with distributed state power and advanced surveillance capacity. The economy is tourism, shipping offices, small retail, precarious construction, gig work, university and public sector employment fragmented across metropolitan region. Production is individualized, invisible, and distributed into fields without the clear production identity that russian workers had. Workers are isolated in small workplaces or informal arrangements, their labor not obviously interdependent, and their physical concentration temporary and consumption-oriented rather than production-centered. The university, the shopping district, the neighborhood square replace the factory as sites of potential coordination, but these are sites of social reproduction and circulation, not direct production.
The factory proletariat could leverage structural position through direct action at point of production, acheived through direct insurrectionist acts, strike, occupation, seizure. Economic power translated directly into political power because production was material, located, and collective. The working class of modern Athens lacks this structural position; service work is difficult to occupy, informal work is difficult to organize, precarity makes sustained strike action economically suicidal. Here the class struggle cannot take the same form because production relations do not permit it. This does not mean class struggle disappears but that it migrates to sites of social reproduction; housing, education, urban public space, police violence. The 2008 uprising was triggered not by workplace exploitation but by police killing and a hate for the relation to commodity; it concentrated not in factories but in universities and neighborhoods; its demands were not workers' control but broader social transformation. This is not failure of class strugggle it's a material adaptation to class composition; the urban proletariat of 2008 is not the industrial proletariat of 1917, and its struggles reflect different conditions of existence.
The Romanian immigrant looting the Athens Rolex shop in 2008 and the Petersburg workers seizing the factory in 1917 are actions identical in their fundamental relation to capital, differing only in the mode through which that relation is expressed. Both are acts of appropriation against commodification, of taking what capital has enclosed, of asserting need against exchange value. The factory worker takes the means of production; the urban precarious worker takes the means of consumption. Both refuse the mediation of wage and market as expropriation.
The black/white producer-owner framework is not wrong but incomplete, sure, adequate to industrial capitalism but not to late state capitalism's full development. Marx analyzed commodity production; we inhabit commodity circulation, commodity consumption, the commodification of daily life itself. The Rolex is not merely luxury good but fetish form of social value, the immigrant's expropriation is not merely consumption but attack on the spectacle of wealth. The factory seizure disrupts production; the shop looting disrupts reproduction of class hierarchy through consumption. Both of these things are the same acts of class struggle; Do not expect uprisings, insurrections to take the exact same shape as places that hold two different material conditions under capitalism.
READ:
1.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/415105662.
https://www.academia.edu/1963913/From_Ruptures_to_Eruption_A_Geneaology_of_the_December_2008_Revolt_in_Greece3.
https://www.scribd.com/doc/194383447/Glass-FloorI'm sorry that this response has to be so long, but I'm realizing a lot of people have not closely observed the shifting conditions of capitalism in it's modern stages, and how that means class struggle will not directly imitate it's history. This is why looting occurs in the USA too; that was a direct form of class struggle in it's relative form. I'm not sure where you all live, but I'm imagining if workers seized the means of production where I am, they'd still have very little to produce.
Now, I have to move on for your accusation on the word "insurrection" falsely being applied to describe the word "riot". Riot typically suggests unorganized, spontaneous, localized violence without sustained political objectives; insurrection suggests organized, sustained, territorialized challenge to state power with revolutionary aspiration. Greece exhibited elements of both and neither with organization emerging through practice rather than direct prior planning, duration extending over weeks, spread across multiple cities. It sits somewhere between unrest and insurrection. It wasn't purely reflective of an event of unhinged, untamed anger; An Anarchist teen was SHOT dead by the state, right outside of a popular squat. Within an hour anarchists & marxist cells were demonstrating their capacity, and it generalized. I point to it, not because it's a direct example of the model but because greece demonstrates both the viability and insufficiency of distributed vanguard coordination; all things to learn from.
The greek riots were a highly organized, and rapid response to a comrade being murdered by the police, this is something beyond the scope of a normal riot. Multiple police stations in over 3 cities were under constant siege, over 40 buildings were occupied for a month, media stations were seized, the economy was shut down and under constant attack in multiple cities for about a month. In a month it caused over 2.6 billion in economic losses for the bourgeois. It boiled over into armed struggle, which is when the IRA's world began vocally supporting them. The zapatistas responded to events in 2008 saying that the greek riots were an example of what insurrection can look like in relation to their urbanized neo-liberal economy, because they understand materialism and don't see it as viable that people seize land and farms like they did in chiapas in…Athens.
>>Also you keep mentioning leadership decapitation but compartmentalization gives the capacity for an organization to obscure its leadershipClandestine organizations with centralized command, armed groups with hierarchical structure all remain vulnerable to decapitation and co-option because leadership is concentrated even if hidden. The compartmentalization I describe is not of individuals but of knowledge and function according to specific tasks. No single node possesses comprehensive strategic understanding, and leadership function migrates rather than residing in identifiable persons. Coordination emerges through network topology rather than command structure. This applies regardless of organizational visibility. The IRA's Army Council was clandestine yet decapitatable; the only reason they avoided this was they didn't exist in a modern GWOT framework, so their leadership was often hidden and secure in the republic of Ireland. This method wouldn't work today in Ireland, and there is no probable land and sovereignty separation that would have ever allowed that in USA. The 2008 Greek coordination was visible yet not decapitatable because leadership was distributed, not hidden. Their leadership was determined by their capacity and success.
The framework is deliberately provisional, describing organizational intelligence observed in practice rather than prescribing ideal form. This is not absence of system but resistance to systematization that slows growth. The distributed vanguard framework suggests that new conditions require conceptual innovations of leadership in militancy.
>>constantly breaking up and forming?Cells do not "constantly break up and form" through deliberate decision. The network topology shifts through material processes; nodes dissolve when participants burn out, relocate, face new situations, meet new people or face repression; new nodes form when conditions permit; connections reconfigure as trust develops or fails. This is not "frivolous" organizational policy but observation of how distributed networks actually function. The question of "why support this" assumes this is advocated ideological preference rather than analyzed tendency of how protracted peoples war can survive the modern apparatus of capitalist hegemony and policing.
>>That's only the case for open organizations, which I don't advocate at all (but you do!)Yes, and these open organizations give multiple benefits currently. You laugh, but if you were to be arrested, due to connections with these organizations and a shared principle and effort, I could easily allocate money to your bail if needed. The class struggle is not something that should be completely in the shadows; the ideas, support, challenging of power through labor, and survival programs all currently belong in the public sphere.