/leftypol/ - Leftist Politically Incorrect

>>2855678
hahahaha say the line bart

>>2877895
A city rooftop summer night,
in your tank top,
RAINBOW STALIN

and yu loowk so coot bay
yu wer cwyin

awl dis luv sayvd 4 nuthin
i neva felt so blu
and awl dis luv 4 rainbow stalin

>>2857837
Proof?

>>2857837
>Trot supports NATO
water is wet

>>2857846
"Trot" barely means anything when it can be a crypto-councilist, a DPRK stan or a neocon

you stupid faggots need to accept that there's nothing worth saving in south america

>>2846807
eh close enough

The Chad Donald TVSK will just eat attacking Russian soldiers like a BVLL walrus

>>2858394
>Russia would never attack the west
>>2858481
>This would be my reaction too if CIA hadnt been right about Russian invasion of Ukraine.
lol broken clocks are sometimes right, but not this time

>>2858481
fair point but ukraine had no actual alliance with nuclear powers unlike poland

One can only dream of such based outcomes TBH

Give me the nuclear suitcase, I'll press the buttons,Cucktin.

Glowie thread

>>2859716
>permaculture and lucid dreaming
Are you obtiomaxxing?

Patriot Front in the US Capital (Washington D.C.)

They seem to be very disciplined and organised, from the metro cards, to the shields and uniforms, almost paramilitary like. But it is likely to be unpopular with the public, relative to the overly militant image, however like other fascist groups, have done propaganda around aid.

The American Left should continue to focus on legal means, such as elections and national political organisations, like the DSA as the largest example, and smaller ones like PSL or CPUSA (who should be absorbed). This neo-kautskyist or leninist method of socialism through democratic means, seems to be a slow but sure method.

However black bloc tactics clearly do not work in the west, or other civic tactics against the fascists.

You Americans, are privileged to have a level of freedom, that would allow you to form similar uniformed organisation(s) (separate from the likes of the DSA, PSL, CPUSA).

There exists a few left gun clubs, like the John Brown Club and Socialist Rifle Association, who educate on firearms training and also do mutual aid; but at the least these groups could be mirror uniformed organisations, just as disciplined, to the patriot front, standing opposite them, just as a threat without committing any action, and if shit goes down, they are not the first to fire or bludgeon.

>>2858534
I like how libertarians pretend to be different from nazis and confederates then do shit like this

So what's causing men to go to alt-right? I remember the alt-right stuff was blowing up in the off-topic section of some of the self-improvement forums back in 2009.

>>2859399
Once capitalism reaches a certain stage the superstructure overtakes the structure and the latter ceases to exist in political terms

>>2859412
This would go hard if I was illiterate and retarded.

I always wonder do these people realize that what they want has nothing to do with communism or do they just see all struggles against bigger powers as part of the same struggle

>>2859419
You know if you plan on being a one world government you are gonna have to get into the weeds on issues that aren’t strictly economic right?

>>2859399
>>2859399
>The programme explicitly calls for the end of money.

Still better than the USSR lol.

>>2859426
>You know if you plan on being a one world government you are gonna have to get into the weeds on issues that aren’t strictly economic right?

humanity would rather commit suicide than ever have a 1 one world government sadly.

>>2835516
Which he said to an informant while under surveillance in fascist Italy, after the Comintern had bent over backwards to secure their rise with giving the keys to Togliatit. But how would you know, you don't read on principle (trve ML).

>>2859209 (me)
<Substantiating this:
· ICP's critique of ML-MZT is that the proletarian was crushed with the premature insurrection of the Chinese soviet in the 1920s (as if they had the same opportunity as the european left)
· ML-MZT or classical MLM on the other hand to this day has no developed urban tactic, it basically says "Bolsheviks already developed the tactic" but that is ignorant of the fact that the Bolsheviks assessment of material and social conditions in western Europe and NA (capitalist, imperialist, industrialized countries, like most would be closer to today), have been proven with time, are even more insufficient today than they were back then when Bordiga and the Italian Left levied their critique of the Bolshevik's self-contradictory demands with the Comintern's Bolshevization, which was a mechanist-idealist error that led nowhere other than degeneration of the communist-revolutionary front towards capitalist integration and political implosion.

bumping for input

>>2859475

Read Bordiga, Bordiga, Read Bordiga….

Leftcoms, all unite
Let the people fight,
Be a lazy shit, do sweet fuck all

Activism is pointless,
Your efforts are all fruitless,
I'll just wait for capitalism to fall,
till then I shall read

Read Bordiga, Bordiga, Read Bordiga….

The vanguard, in Marxist theory, is a special form of organization that arises as a response to two fundamental problems: the weakness of the spontaneous consciousness of the working class, and the tendency toward compromise that sooner or later befalls every mass organization under the full conditions of capitalism.

According to Lenin, workers on their own, without the help of revolutionary theory, never achieve more than trade union consciousness — meaning they know how to organize a struggle for better wages, shorter working hours, or safer working conditions, but they do not know how to connect these partial struggles into a comprehensive attack on capitalism as a system. This trade union consciousness forces them into negotiations with the bourgeoisie, into the acceptance of reforms, and into forgetting the revolutionary goal. If the movement is left to the workers themselves, it will sooner or later land in the embrace of liberalism — as happened, according to Lenin, with the German SPD.

So let us look more closely at the example of the SPD.

German Social Democracy was the leading socialist movement in Europe at the beginning of the 20th century, but it was precisely its example that convinced Lenin that a new organizational form was necessary.

The SPD was, in fact, composed of two parts: a political party and the trade unions, which represented the actual proletariat. Initially, the party rejected Bismarck's social legislation, seeing it as an attempt to bribe the working class, but the trade unions saw social reforms as beneficial for their members. Over time, the trade unions took over the leadership of the SPD, demanding that the party follow their pragmatic course. The activists gave in, and the movement began to make compromises with the German state. The SPD first abandoned revolutionary rhetoric, then also strikes as a means of pressure. Eventually, it supported nationalism and colonial expansion, which was in complete opposition to the internationalist character of Marxism. The culmination of this process came in 1914, when the SPD voted in parliament in favor of the war budgets for an imperialist war. For Lenin, this was final proof that the SPD had betrayed the socialist cause.

Its transformation revealed two fundamental shortcomings: first, the proletariat is capable only of "trade union consciousness," which forces it into negotiations with the bourgeoisie. Second, party activists are vulnerabPost too long. Click here to view the full text.

The third great tactic of the proletarian movement — ideological mobilization — differs from the previous two in that it builds power exclusively on organization, not on questions. While spontaneous uprising counts on mass devotion to a question, and mass agitation seeks to strengthen and deepen that devotion through organization, ideological mobilization does not expect participants to voluntarily sacrifice themselves for the movement at all. Instead, it establishes an organizational framework that compels people to cooperate — regardless of their personal beliefs, passions, or doubts.

The mechanism can be illustrated by the example of paid work in a non-governmental organization: unlike a volunteer, who can reduce their involvement at any time if they lose enthusiasm, an employee with a work contract is forced to perform a certain amount of work, encouraged by payment and penalties. The same logic applies to soldiers in an army or citizens under a government: laws, taxes, and legitimacy create a system of incentives and coercion that directs individuals toward productive action, even if the regime is not popular.

When the organizational framework is strong enough, ideological mobilization surpasses all the limitations that would otherwise reduce the power an individual contributes to the movement. As a result, it can carry out extremely self-sacrificing, complex, and prolonged actions that, in scale and persistence, exceed the capabilities of spontaneous uprising or even mass agitation. In its extreme form, such movements become micro-states or micro-armies that compete with the established state in their ability to exploit, mobilize, and develop resources.

Of course, establishing and maintaining such an organizational framework requires enormous resources — this is the main limitation of ideological mobilization. Here the ideological part comes in: although the movement does not need participants to believe in the question, their belief can increase voluntary sacrifice and thereby reduce the need for organizational coercion. That is why ideological mobilizations often insist on ideological conformity.

The historically most well-known example of ideological mobilization is the Chinese Communist Revolution, although initially the Communist Party of China (CPC) did not intend to use this tactic. Like most communist movements of the time, the CPC first adopted mass agitation on the Leninist model. Only in the 1940s, afterPost too long. Click here to view the full text.

The organizational form that best embodies ideological mobilization is the popular front. In the Marxist tradition, the popular front is a broad coalition of different social strata — not only the proletariat, but also peasants, the petty bourgeoisie, even the progressive part of the bourgeoisie — who unite under a common leadership (usually the communist party) to achieve common anti-feudal, anti-imperialist, or anti-fascist goals.

The popular front differs from the vanguard organization in two key points:

Breadth of membership. The vanguard is a narrow, ideologically pure group of professional revolutionaries; the popular front is mass-based and includes people with diverse, often even opposing views. Its strength lies not in homogeneity, but in organizational cohesion — in structures (party cells, trade unions, agricultural cooperatives, women's associations) that bind people into collective action, regardless of their personal ideological convictions.

Mode of operation. The vanguard acts as a catalyst of consciousness — through agitation it seeks to awaken class consciousness. The popular front, however, does not wait for awakening; with its organizational structures it captures people where they are and includes them in practical activities — in village defense, food production, education, armed struggle. By participating in front organizations, people gradually adopt its ideology. Let us recall that it is not consciousness that determines practice, but practice that determines consciousness.

A historical example of the popular front in the Chinese Revolution is the first united front between the CPC and the Kuomintang in the 1920s, conceived by Lenin as a temporary alliance against feudal warlords and imperialists. But the CPC soon learned that such a front is useful only if it is led by communists — otherwise it is exploited by better-organized enemies. That is why in the 1940s the party built its own popular front, in which it united peasants, workers, the petty bourgeoisie, and even parts of the nationalist elites under its control. This front was based on shared organization — on party committees, people's councils, armed militias, and economic cooperatives that permeated every village and every factory.

The popular front is therefore a tool for mobilizing the masses without prior ideological purification. Its power lies in the fact that it can operate even where people are distrustful of communism, ilPost too long. Click here to view the full text.

Ideology, in our context, is what determines how a movement organizes itself, how it wages war, and how it sees its place in the world. Revolutionary socialist groups, for example, developed exceptional cohesion and discipline precisely because of a shared ideological framework that acted as both glue and a sieve for selecting cadres. Likewise, ideology enabled them to establish transnational connections — the exchange of experiences, doctrines, and support — something that non-Marxist insurgents mostly lacked. Ideology shapes tactics, but at the same time it also determines the enemy's response, which every movement must take into account when planning its struggle.

>>2859432
>Mass agitation is a tactic that was first formulated in its complete form by Vladimir Ilyich Lenin at the beginning of the 20th century.
he didn't come up with it on his own

americans are a special kind of schizo

>>2843794
"nationalism" isn't a single phenomenon with set reasons for its success, black nationalism exists for very different reasons from white nationalism, tutsi and hutu began as economic categories, greeks still thought themselves romans for centuries after it was economically advantageous, etc.

>>2843812
Why would some random person in Kentucky have solidarity with some random person in Arizona? Why would some random native to Bordeaux give a fuck about a random native of Nice? Nationalism is a myth.

>>2858239
>black nationalism exists for very different reasons from white nationalism
Yes, but it's still a Burgerreich cancer.

I don't think nationalism is that special or impossible to get rid of. Not to be Marxstradamus, but I think that as the fact that the nation-state is an untenable organizational form for working class politics becomes more obvious, it will be easier to separate nationalist reaction from the real movement. The biggest class base for nationalists today are lumpenized and declassed workers, downwardly mobile petit bourgeoisie, and workers whose bourgeois freedoms are limited by despotic regimes, lack of skill, or conditions nearing slavery. The global working class in the classical Marxist sense of the term has no qualms about migrating or working for foreign companies so long as the places and the firms they can work for offer better terms. Of course, these people are not free from the competition between workers, hence they are prone to reactionary and particularist impulses of their own (see Indian migrants in the UK who would vote for Reform based on limiting the number of migrants allowed to enter the country) but they have a practical class experience of being an international subject and might therefore be more amenable to the idea of proletarian socialism rather than national socialism(s).

>>2859157
> as the fact that the nation-state is an untenable organizational form for working class politics becomes more obvious, it will be easier to separate nationalist reaction from the real movement
retards will be nationalist forever unfortunately.

Why dont we all go on general strike next week theb

>>2858961
i declare general strike
i declare rent strike
i declare class war